THE NOBLE AND ROYAL TITLE IN AMERICAN CULTURE
Monday, 25-Dec-00 16:58:22
24.14.28.77 writes:
THE NOBLE AND ROYAL TITLE IN AMERICAN CULTURE http://www.apfn.org/apfn/knighthood.htm
AMERICANS AND TITLES Americans are indecisive about royal and noble titles. While pretending to disdain titles and the titled, the fact is that Americans love them and are fascinated and captivated by them. For example, we have "king-size" beds (and queen-size, too). The "king-size" tube of toothpaste is the biggest one--usually. We have the prom queen, the movie queen, the porn queen, the king of the rodeo, the king of comedy. A friendly and helping man is "a real prince," a sweet-tempered woman is "a lady." There's Duke Ellington, Counts Basie and Chocula, the King of Swing and the Queen of Disco, Elvis the King of Rock, Michael Jackson the King of Pop, and we even have among us a mononymic rock star...Prince. When movie actress Grace Kelly became Princess Grace of Monaco, America swooned (Even if the rest of European monarchy and nobility didn't. Grace Kelley was considered a parvenu and somewhat vulgar because of her movie career, but she was never "vulgar," and embodied her name of Grace very well indeed.), and Grace's popularity soared. Yes, and millions of Americans arose at 2:00 AM one morning to watch the Prince of Wales marry Lady Diana--and they watch, now through the tabloids, with equal wonder at that marriage's difficulties. Let a foreign nobleman, noblewoman, or monarch come to America for a visit, and Americans will flock to each and all, especially if the titled visitor has a suave manner and an interesting accent--and, of course, that great entitler, money.
So, naturally, Americans aren't interested in titles. Certainly not. Oh no. After all, doesn't the American Constitution prohibit Americans from receiving, using, or even acknowledging titles? The answer is--no, it doesn't. What Article I: Section 9, Paragraph 8 of the Constitution says is this:
No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
The primary purpose of the Paragraph was to prevent the United States from creating a system of nobility, at least in the British style of the detested King George III. The secondary purpose was to prevent foreign royalty from coöpting an official of the United States government and to prevent royalty from using the promise of a gift of a noble title as a bribe to obtain preferment from a government official, at least not without the full knowledge and consent of Congress, the assumption being that the "Consent of the Congress" would not be forthcoming. This is the same section of the Constitution which prevents the President (or his wife), members of Congress, and Justices of the Supreme Court from personally accepting gifts from foreign governments, all such gifts being received by the President on behalf of the U.S. Government. Many such gifts are displayed at the Smithsonian. Note that the Constitution does not hold titles in contempt, nor does it reject them as worthless--just the opposite, the Constitution equates the noble title with any other valuable gift, that is, a title is seen as valuable property which can be given and used and which has such significant instrinsic worth that it has the power of currency and, therefore, cannot be recieved without an act of Congress.
The second part of the Constitutional prohibition is less rigid. That is, the Section does not apply to private citizens, nor does it prevent a private citizen from accepting or holding a royal or noble title, because the phrase "Office of Profit or Trust" in this Section is interpreted to refer to elected and appointed high federal officials and members of the armed services who, during their tenure of service, are prevented from accepting noble or royal honors. Once these persons are again private citizens, they are free to be honored, as, for example, the "honorary" knighthoods granted by Queen Elizabeth II to Former Presidents Reagan and Bush and to retired/retiring Generals Norman Schwartzkopf and Colin Powell. These honorees probably will not use the title "Sir," but, because they are members of Orders of Chivalry, i.e., they are knights, they can (and undoubtedly will) use the postnominals of the Orders they hold. Actually, there is no legal reason why these knights couldn't use the title "Sir." Even though the Constitution prevented the development of the traditional European honors model, the United States certainly has developed an honors system that in many ways resembles the establishment of nobility. For example, for its military, there is the Purple Heart, the Congressional Medal of Honor, and many others. For its private citizens there is the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the annual awards given to performers at the Kennedy Center, and others. The key difference seems to be that, unlike European honors, American honors carry postnominals (single letter abbreviations after the name which denote the honor conferred), not prenominals which are titles before the name. Americans don't seem to mind postnominals such as "Ph.D." (Doctor of Philosophy) or "K.C." (Knight Commander) or "Bart." (more properly, "Bt.," Baronet). It's those prenominals that they balk at ("Sir So-and-So" or "Dr. Whatshisname" or "Lord Whosis").
The point is that while the Constitution prohibits the giving of a title of nobility by the American Government (Congress, the President, or the Judicial) or the receipt of the same "from any King, Prince, or foreign State" by high public officials during their terms of office, or by military personnel while enlisted, private American citizens, themselves, are free to accept and use titles of any kind whatever, noble or otherwise.
THE USE OF TITLES IN A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Citizens of the United States like to think of the U.S.A. as classless and untitled, cherishing these egalitarian concepts as marks of the unique American opportunity for upward mobility in class and power. In everyday practice, however, Americans are very much aware of how to create and use titles to establish class and wield power. A primary example of the importance of a title as a mark of power and status is the title "Ms." (rhymes with fizz), created some years ago by feminists for use in the place of "Miss" or "Mrs," both of which titles show a woman's relationship to a man. The title "Ms." is egalitarian in that it shows gender only, exactly as does the modern "Mr." (L.G. Pine, in The Story of Titles, discusses the original and modern uses of "Mister," a variation of "Master." Interestingly, like "Ms.," most royal and noble titles are themselves egalitarian in that they show gender only--for exampl,e a Queen is not necessarily the wife of a King, a Baroness is not necessarily the wife of a Baron.) The general acceptance and use of the once artificial "Ms." show that Americans clearly understand and acknowledge the value and importance of the title as an empowering device.
THE FONS HONORUM OF NOBLE AND ROYAL TITLES A legitimate noble title always has a legitimate royal source, called a fons honorum (Latin: "source of honor," the "fountainhead" from which the legitimate title is issued). What is important to know (and what Americans have to be firmly instructed in and regularly reminded about) is that noble titles do not come from governments, but from heads of royal families, called a "royal house." Thus, the royal house is a dynastic family holding hereditary royal title and prerogatives usually based upon modern or ancient geographical rulership; the royal dynastic family need not necessarily currently head a government or rule a nation. A government is not, of itself, royal, nor can a government declare itself royal--it is persons who are royal or noble, and it is the head of that government who is royal. Thus, a government as an entity is not and cannot be a fons for royal or noble titles (Which makes the American Constitution's prohibition perfectly proper.). In fact, the universal practice is that a government which prefers a royal head of state doesn't create it, but goes, instead, to one of the royal houses (in Europe or elsewhere) to find a monarch to reign. Observe the actions of the British Parliament when, in 1701, it became apparent that King William and Queen Anne were not going to leave any heirs in line for the throne. Parliament wanted, of course, a Protestant sovereign, but even the British Parliament had not the authority to create royalty, nor could the King and Queen declare an heir. Therefore, Parliament, understanding that governments do not beget royalty, began to carefully scrutinize Europe's royals, searching for a suitable candidate to come to the throne after King William's death. Having analyzed genealogies and religious proclivities, Parliament settled on the Electress of Hanover, who had the virtue of being the granddaughter of James I. However, the Electress died before the British throne became available, so the office passed to her son, George Ludwig who became King George I of England.
Of course, some countries in the Middle East have seen commoners elevate themselves to royal status, as, for example, Reza Pahlavi (1878-1944) a commoner and an army officer who seized power in Iran, declared himself Shah, and then--like Napolean--crowned himself. His son, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980) inherited the throne of Iran, but was deposed in 1979. There are other examples of colonels c-- kings. Middle Eastern countries, being Muslim, don't go to the Christian royal houses of Europe for their rulers. They don't have to, there being sufficient Muslim royal houses. Even if there weren't, it is a fact that tanks and militia breed a potent throne and that a quantity of gunpowder, liberally applied, can make any blood blue. There is nothing new in this, as any student of medieval European history knows.
The terms "exile" and "abdication" also sometimes present problems for those who are unfamiliar with them. "Exile" occurs when a monarch leaves his or her country because of invasion, uprising, or because a democratic referendum establishes a republic. Merely because the monarch has relocated does not mean that he or she ceases to be royal (since royalty is vested in a person, not a government), nor does the person lose royal prerogatives, including the right and power to confer titles. A government can be taken away from a monarch, but royal prerogatives cannot be "taken away," not by vote, not by revolution, not by invasion. There are today legitimate royal courts in exile, headed by monarchs who have fled uprisings, invasions, or referenda, but who have not relinquished their royal rights, as for example, the royal court of Albania under King Zog (1895-1961), who, in 1939, was forced to flee Albania to avoid capture by Mussolini's invading Fascist army. After WWII, Albania became a communist satellite, and Zog remained in exile. Zog (the name means "Bird") never relinquished the throne of Albania, and when Zog died, his son, the Crown Prince, assumed the throne as King Leka of Albania, still in exile and still a king. Many exiled Albanians consider King Leka their king--and Burke's lists him as royal. Other examples of exiled royal courts could include those of King Michael of Romania (b. 1921), Humbert II (1904-1983), the King of Italy who was exiled by a 1946 national referendum that established Italy as a republic, and King Constantine of the Hellenes.
However, while royal prerogatives cannot be taken away, they can be relinquished. The relinquishing of royalty is called "abdication." When a monarch "abdicates," he or she gives up all royal rights and prerogatives in favor of the person next in line to the throne. After abdication, the ex-king (the only correct use of the term) cannot reclaim royal rights and cannot grant titles of nobility or confer knighthood. An important point established by international agreement is that abdication is not--and never has been--a "destruction" of the throne or a "dissolution" of the monarchy, but a passing on of the prerogatives of the throne to the person next in line of succession. Sometimes the ex-king receives titles of nobility from the new monarch, and sometimes the ex-king simply becomes a commoner and lives quietly in obscurity, as, for example, Alexander I, Tsar of Russia from 1801-1825, who gave up his throne and assumed the name and life of of a commoner, Feodore Kuzmich. (However, there is much mystery to this whole affair. See the Chapter on Alexander I in Stanley B.-R. Poole's book, Royal Mysteries and Pretenders.)
There are other royal courts, reigning and non-reigning, in many countries, including some residing in the United States. Some of these courts are remnants of the Western Holy Roman Empire, which certainly did not disappear in 1806 as historians often claim, and others are part of the Eastern (Byzantine) Holy Roman Empire founded by Constantine in xxx, several hundred years before the Western Holy Roman Empire. As Friedrich Heer says in his 1967 classic work, The Holy Roman Empire, "Francis II was called upon [by Napoleon] to divest himself of the imperial crown, in terms so threatening that he had no choice but to comply. He did so on 6 August 1806, and at the same time dissolved the 'Roman Empire,' an act for which he had no legal justification." When the Western Holy Roman Emperor "dissolved" the empire, the Byzantine Porphyrogenitus, as the ranking Byzantine (Eastern) potentate, considered himself as the successor, as did the Byzantine royalty and nobility, who eventually came together as the government-in-exile of the (Eastern) Holy Roman Empire.
The present Byzantine Emperor, Caesar Dominus Pius Flavius Johannes VII Daniel IV Alexander Augustus, came to the office as any emperor--he was born to it, of a distinguished royal lineage that ruled in the ancient Byzantine empire, which at one time even included parts of Italy. The Byzantine kingdoms and principalities tended to stay together, even though the royalty of the "German" Holy Roman Empire renounced rights and titles with abandon, so that only their monarchist followers were left hoping for restoration. Meanwhile, the Byzantines went right on with the idea of a non-political government "in exile," which is where they are today. Many monarchists are focused on the Western (read German) royalty, not the Eastern, and so many are intent upon the idea of a political restoration that the idea of a non-political, in-exile restoration that maintains and nurtures the ideals of royalty, nobility, and chivalry never occurs to them. And besides, the Byzantines learned long ago to just go about their business among themselves, and not stir up the hornet's nest of Germany. Certain imperial princes, especially those in exile in South America, denied any "dissolution" of the ancient empire by forming a "League of Princes of the Holy Roman Empire," just as Napoleon's imperial prince supporters had formed the Confederation of the Rhine. The Confederation vanished with Napoleon, but the League still exists today as the Byzantine Holy Roman Empire, in exile, headed by His Imperial and Apostolic Royal Majesty, The Emperor Cæsar Dominus Pius Flavius Johannes VII Daniel IV Alexander Augustus who has not relinquished his rights or powers.
A royal dynasty can be created by force of arms, by grant, and by creation. Some princely families (in America and elsewhere) have received letters patent from the Porphyrogenitors ("born to the purple"), Princes of the Blood Royal of the Byzantine Holy Roman Emperor who have, in modern times as in ancient, the authority to grant or create hereditary princes who then head ancient non-political principalities of the Holy Roman Empire. In creating a prince by grant, Porphyrogenitors assign a principality to the prince, and the prince then becomes the fons for his nobles and knights. The assignment of a non-political principality is an ancient practice, and, on occasion, the monarch further grants the principality in perpetuity and the prince is no longer a vassal prince, but is elevated to the rank of a sovereign prince, i.e., a monarch in his own right.
The non-political, or titular, principality is one which once existed, but which is currently extinct, having been in past centuries absorbed by force of arms into another country. However, if the Holy Roman Emperor never relinquished rights to the principality (and he rarely did), it is still considered by the "Holy Roman Empire-in-Exile" as within the provenance of the Blood Royal Princes, but "non-political." That is, the geographical boundary of the principality no longer exists, but the title to the principality continues as legitimate and is considered quite real not only by the League of Princes of the Holy Roman Empire-in-Exile, but also by many other European royalty and nobility.
Even some monasteries of the Holy Roman Empire were created principalities, and the abbot made a prince. The Roman Catholic Church also followed that practice, as, for example, the Abbey of San Luigi which was recognized by the Church and France as a principality on August 25, 1883 at Tunisia and Tripolitania, and the abbot, Fr. Henrice Pancomez was selected as the abbey's first Prince-Abbot. Also, the Pope, from time to time, creates a titular bishop who holds the authority of a See that has ceased to geographically exist. This practice was derived from the Holy Roman Emperor's practice of creating hereditary princes of ancient but extinct principalities.
Americans usually think of a prince merely as the son of a king or queen (deriving the idea from the world's most visible monarchy, the British), and Americans, again, have to be instructed and reminded that a prince can be a monarch in his own right--as, for example, Prince Rainier of Monaco who holds the title Serene, denoting his status as a sovereign head of a royal house, with all the rights and privileges of the sovereign, including the right to create nobles and knights for his royal houses. Unlike Rainier who reigns as well as rules, there are Americans who are themselves hereditary (and even sovereign) princes of non-reigning royal houses. A non-reigning royal house, just as a reigning one, may legitimately have a full complement of nobility and one or more Orders of Chivalry, and the head of the house, regnant or not, retains full powers to create legitimate nobles and knights as needed or desired.
Of course, Americans know about such titles as king, queen, prince, duke, marquis, earl (and its European equivalent, the count; for Americans, the most famous count is the fictional vampire Dracula, an identity which causes some problems for genuine counts.), viscount, and baron, but they think that these titles are strictly British and are issued only by the British Crown. But royalty and nobility are not only not "strictly British," they are not even primarily British--Britain's modern monarchy itself has a Continental source (Germany), and there are many other royal houses in Europe, Latin America--and even in the United States. Concerning the royal houses in the United States, Americans are usually astonished to discover that one can be a solidly patriotic American and yet still belong to a royal house or hold a legitimate hereditary title from the fons of a royal house. Perhaps Americans have the idea that the term democracy excludes the term royalty, but a hereditary and non-regnant royal house can exist very nicely within a democracy. For example, Italy is a democracy, yet an Italian can be a hereditary count. Likewise, America as a democracy can--and does--easily host hereditary American counts (and barons and marquis, and dukes) of princely royal houses headed by hereditary and legitimately titled princes who happen to hold American citizenship.
CLICK HERE FOR THE REST OF THE STORY AND YOU'LL BE SHOCKED AT WHOM HAS BE 'KNIGHTED'!
THE NOBLE AND ROYAL TITLE IN AMERICAN CULTURE http://www.apfn.org/apfn/knighthood.htm
envax
|