The Iraq Study Group Report: A Critical Failure
Mon Dec 11, 2006 20:43

Text of fax broadcast:
NEW YORK, NEW YORK * 11 DECEMBER 2006 Citizen of the USA Stephen M. St. John addresses the international community in Washington and here in New York City, all members of the US Congress as well as other organizations and individuals, public and private, and, according to his prediction, points to the critical failure of the Iraq Study Group (ISG) to take into account either the true number of private contractors and other mercenary groups operating in Iraq or the full spectrum of their activities there. Citizen St. John notes the ISG's wildly erroneous figure of 5,000 civilian contractors in Iraq (page 12); whereas the Central Command's recent preliminary census of the civilian contractors in Iraq gives a much, much higher count of 100,000, which will very likely exceed the current number of regular coalition forces (157, 500) after subcontractors are also counted. (See Citizen St. John concludes that the ISG's failure to discuss civilian contractors anywhere in its report (other than to give such a grossly inaccurate estimate of how many there are, and to dedicate the report to the military and civilian men and women who have served in Iraq (page 4) and to thank them for the jobs they are doing there), indicates either a remarkable lack of due diligence on the part of the members of the ISG, or a deliberate deception glossed over by their truly impressive biographies at the end of their report.

Citizen St. John commends the ISG for its candid admissions that "events in Iraq have been set in motion by American decisions and actions" (page 9), and that "our government still does not understand very well either the insurgency in Iraq or the role of the militias" (page 61); however, the ISG's Recommendation 77, which calls for the Director of National Intelligence and the Secretary of Defense to "devote significantly greater analytic resources to the task of understanding threats and sources of violence in Iraq" (page 62) will go nowhere if private contractors and other mercenary groups are automatically excluded from the range of possible sources of violence just as they are excluded in the ISG report.

In this regard Citizen St. John recalls the 19 September 2005 incident in Basra where two still-unidentified operatives under British control were apprehended dressed as Sunni Arabs driving an automobile rigged with explosives on a Shiite religious holiday (See and asks, how many times have these two men, whose unaltered photographs appear in the Brussels Tribunal web site courtesy of the Iraqi police - whom the ISG deems incompetent (page 13) - carried out such missions without being caught in the act? Altogether, how many are involved in such "false flag" black operations missions? Why hasn't this incident, and its implications with respect to the real origins of sectarian strife in Iraq, been given sufficient coverage in the mainstream news media? Were the members of the ISG aware of this incident? If so, why didn't they pursue this incident as a lead in their investigation and report on it? If not aware of the incident, who held this information from them? How can this deficiency be explained?

In consideration of the foregoing, Citizen St. John recommends modification of the ISG's statement that "sectarian conflict is the principal challenge to stability" (page 6) so that "false flag" black operations of occupying forces to stoke sectarian violence be taken into account as well. Citizen St. John contends that this brand of synthetic state-sponsored terrorism is the coalition's sponsors' most useful tool in providing a pretext to "stay the course" according to the well documented psychopathic Zionist Neo-conservative agenda of world domination. Make problem; provide solution!

Citizen St. John rejects the argument that the Basra incident is an anomaly and not indicative of a pattern of "shock and awe" against the civilian population so as to demoralize and weaken them to suppress their ability to resist. Citizen St. John refers to another incident where 19 Zionist operatives fired on Arab civilians and then on a US Marine outpost in Faluja (see Their apparent mistake resulted in their being captured by the Marines. Within three days these terrorists were released from US Marine Corps custody and given easy exits from Iraq and resignations from their company, the Zapata Corporation. What justice!

Citizen St. John also notes that the phenomenon of death squads in Iraq is reminiscent of the death squads in El Salvador in the 1980s when John Negroponte was US Ambassador to neighboring Honduras and that these death squads in Iraq emerged around the time Negroponte was ambassador to Iraq, which circumstance suggests that Negroponte, now the Director of National Intelligence, is not the right person to carry out in earnest the task the ISG would give the DNI under Recommendation 77 "to devote significantly greater analytic resources to the task of understanding threats and sources of violence in Iraq." (page 62) Surely Negroponte is well qualified to look out for threats and sources of violence in Iraq, but he cannot be trusted to find them within the civilian and military components of the Coalition Forces in Iraq. After all, exposure of such war crimes would be rather unpleasant, not least because the false accusations against Iran and Syria as instigators of the sectarian strife in Iraq would also be finally exposed as lies.

Citizen St. John strongly believes that all the evil imagined by the provocative term "Islamofascism" exists in reality in the Talmud, the written version of the oral traditions of the Pharisees which Jesus very strongly condemned. Ignorance of the Talmud may well be the undoing of the USA. Knowledge of the Talmud, however, is free and at your fingertips: Learn what corrupts the USA and understand why the people of the Middle East don't want it. Understand how decades of condonation of Zionist atrocities against Arabs has finally resulted in imitation of their criminal acts in Iraq. Indeed, the presence and activities of Zionists in the military and civilian components of the Coalition Forces needs to be put under scrutiny with a view toward rooting out such criminal behavior.

Citizen St. John proposes an immediate withdrawal of civilian contractor and other mercenary groups from Iraq, to be followed by gradual withdrawal of Coalition Forces and simultaneous insertion of peacekeeping forces from Arab League states under stated time limits and processes of review. Rather than the Coalition Forces rebuilding Iraq, let Iraq rebuild from a restitution fund based on tariffs placed on international transactions of the UK, USA and the Zionist state. Let this fund also pay for the peacekeeping forces while they are needed. And let there be trials at the Hague for unjustified, immoral, illegal and ill-advised invasions and occupations based on demonstrable lies about what happened on 9/11 and false allegations of WMDs in Iraq.

Finally, Citizen St. John wonders about the timing of the aforementioned Washington Post report (5 December 2006, page D1) on Central Command's recent census of civilian contractors in Iraq which coincided with the ISG presentation of its report to President Bush the next morning at the White House. He also wonders about the silence in the mainstream media with respect to the magnitude of difference in the number of civilian contractors in Iraq given the President by the ISG (5,000) and to the public by Central Command (100,000). The media silence on this issue is troubling and to keep on ignoring it will only increase the dangers in the Middle East.

Copyright Stephen M. St. John 2006
Sole Author, An Eight Part Peace Proposal for Greater Jerusalem
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Post Office Box 449, Rockefeller Center, New York, New York 10185

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