Following the Money (Part 4)
U.S. Term Limits
By Jim Morris and Robert Brodsky
Published November 6, 2006
On August 3, 2006, U.S. Term Limits, a tax-exempt
advocacy group in New York City, gave $50,000 to a
Missouri organization that was seeking to get two
initiatives on the state’s ballot this November 7.
The initiatives, neither of which made it onto the
ballot, were aimed at capping state spending and
taxations and requiring government to compensate
landowners for “regulatory takings.”
Why would a term-limits organization use money from its
donors for such unrelated causes?
Documents obtained by the Center for Public Integrity
show that the unexplained largess isn’t unusual. The
founder and president of U.S. Term Limits, which seeks
to “rally Americans to restore citizen control of
government by limiting the terms of politicians,” is
Howard Rich, a political activist from New York City who
has spearheaded efforts this year to pass takings
initiatives in eight states. Rich’s various tax-exempt
organizations — there are at least 11 of them — have
aroused considerable interest this year for shifting
funds from one to another before the money ends up at
its ultimate destination.
Like all the other Rich-backed organizations, U.S. Term
Limits does not publicly identify its donors. Records
obtained by the Center, however, show that the
organization and its affiliate, the U.S. Term Limits
Foundation, collected contributions of $25,000 or more
in 2004 from nine donors:
* $500,000 from Robert Wilson, a philanthropist in New
York City who made a $25 million gift in 2004 to the New
York Public Library.
* $120,000 from Jackson T. Stephens, Jr., the chairman
of Exoxemis, Inc., a biopharmaceutical research and
development company in Little Rock, Arkansas. Along with
Rich, Stephens is one of the four directors of the Club
for Growth, which advocates free-market economic
policies.
* $50,000 from Joseph Stillwell, an investment manager
in New York City.
* $50,000 from Virginia Manheimer, a philanthropist in
Lambertville, New Jersey, who is a member of the Club
for Growth’s leadership council.
* $30,000 from Excited States, LLC, a biotech company in
Little Rock, Arkansas. The firm’s chairman is Jackson T.
Stephens, Jr. (see above).
* $25,000 from John Whitehead, a former co-chairman of
the investment banking firm Goldman, Sachs & Company in
New York City, deputy secretary of state during Ronald
Reagan’s presidency, and the chairman of the Lower
Manhattan Development Corporation. (Whitehead has also
been a donor to the Center for Public Integrity.)
* $25,000 from Paul Farago, a chiropractor and
term-limits advocate in Portland, Oregon.
* $25,000 from Peter Farago, a retired businessman and
philanthropist who lives in Little Compton, Rhode
Island. He is the father of Paul Farago (see above).
* $25,000 from Warren A. Stephens, the chairman and
chief executive officer of Stephens, Inc., an investment
banking firm in Little Rock, Arkansas. He is the brother
of Jackson T. Stephens, Jr. (see above).
At least six other donors made contributions ranging
from $5,000 to $13,000.
The Center contacted all nine donors listed above; only
one offered comment.
“I have in fact made contributions to U.S. Term Limits,”
Paul Farago wrote in an October 26 e-mail to the Center.
“But by asking about specific amounts you clearly have
come into possession of proprietary information. Either
you stole it or it was illegally given to you by someone
in the IRS. Either way, you have raised the prospect of
a criminal act of your own part. I intend to refer this
matter to my attorney and will recommend to U.S. Term
Limits that they likewise seek redress.”
The Center for Public Integrity obtained the documents
in question from a government agency. They were
furnished in response to a public-records request made
by the Center.
Read previous installments in this series:
Following the Money (Part 1), Following the Money (Part
2), and Following the Money (Part 3)
http://www.takingsinitiatives.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=236&Itemid=62

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