Scott Ritter on Indicting America
As the White House case for war has been further discredited
with the indictment of Scooter Libby,
the credibility of the maverick former UN arms inspector Scott
Ritter has grown even greater. Along
with his former boss, UN chief arms inspector Rolf Ekeus, Ritter
was virtually alone in insisting that
inspections had effectively disarmed Saddam of weapons of mass
destruction, and thus the Bush
administration's forward-leaning spin for war was bogus.
Here is his fiery commentary from my syndicated Global
INDICTING AMERICA
(ITALICS) Scott Ritter is a former chief U.N. weapons inspector
who participated in
52 missions in Iraq, 14 of which he led. He is the author of the
newly released "Iraq Confidential: The Untold Story of the
Intelligence Conspiracy to Undermine the U.N. and Overthrow
Saddam Hussein" (Nation Books). (END ITALICS)
By Scott Ritter
NEW YORK - The indictment of I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby by Special
Prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald provides the most cogent and
visible evidence to date of the criminal mindset that exists
inside the Bush administration regarding the decision to invade
Iraq.
The indictment is linked to Libby's involvement in illegally
revealing the identity of a covert CIA operative, Valerie Plame,
in violation of U.S. law, and the resultant conspiracy to deny
and cover up the fact that this crime had in fact taken place.
But the real crime committed here is the deception leading to
war carried out by the Bush administration, in particular the
activities of the vice president, Dick Cheney, and his chief of
staff, "Scooter" Libby, which is why they felt they needed to go
after former Ambassador Joseph Wilson and his wife, Plame.
The outing of Plame was just the tip of this criminal
enterprise. The specific charge - making false statements to a
grand jury - is in fact the best indicator of the true nature of
the crimes committed by Libby and, by extension, the Bush
administration.
Acting at the behest of the vice president, Libby was a key
figure behind inserting dubious and unverified intelligence data
alleging the existence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction into
the public arena, either by leaking this information to
reporters such as The New York Times' Judith Miller, or by
having it referenced in high-profile speeches such as the
president's 2003 State of the Union Address or Colin Powell's
now-infamous presentation to the Security Council in February
2003.
Cheney and Libby were behind the decision to mislead Congress,
in particular the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's
investigation into the reasons why the U.S. intelligence
community had gotten it so wrong about Iraqi WMD capabilities.
(Contrary to the much-hyped case made by the Bush administration
in justifying the decision to invade Iraq, no WMD were found in
Iraq, and the CIA subsequently acknowledged that all Iraqi WMD
had been destroyed by the summer of 1991).
To Cheney and Libby, Joseph Wilson had committed the ultimate
sin when he publicly challenged President Bush's case for war
with Iraq by exposing the fraudulent nature of the
administration's very public claims that Iraq had attempted to
acquire uranium "yellowcake" from Niger.
If true, the "yellowcake" story would have bolstered the
president and vice president's assertions that Iraq had
resurrected its nuclear weapons program, thus legitimizing the
case for war. But the reality is that the "yellowcake" claim,
like all of the Cheney- and Libby-peddled intelligence, was
specious, in this case derived from forged documents.
Wilson's exposure of this fraud was seen not only as an act of
betrayal, but also rightly recognized as a threat to the entire
charade that was the Bush administration's fabricated case for
war. If left unchallenged, Wilson's claims could have initiated
a process that would have unraveled the entire fabric of
deception and lies woven by Cheney, Libby and the Bush
administration about the non-existent Iraqi WMD threat. As far
as Cheney and Libby were concerned, truth was the enemy, and
truth-tellers were to be attacked and destroyed.
And now the lies have come home to roost. But the indictment of
Libby must not be the final punctuation in this tragic tale of
lies and deception. Instead, it should serve as a much-needed
boost for Congress, the media and ultimately the American people
to carry out a massive re-examination of the totality of the
processes that took place in the lead-up to the invasion of
Iraq.
The lies of Cheney, Libby and the Bush administration regarding
Iraqi WMD did not take place in a vacuum. Congressional checks
and balances, especially in the form of relevant oversight
committees, were non-existent; the few hearings held served as
little more than sham hearings designed to amplify a case for
war that was accepted at face value, without question, despite
the fact that all involved knew the supporting evidence was
either non-existent or paper-thin.
The fourth estate was likewise reduced to little more than a
propagandistic extension of the White House and Pentagon, losing
any claim to journalistic integrity through its slavish
parroting, without question, of anything that painted Saddam
Hussein's regime in a negative light, especially when it came to
the issue of retained WMD.
At the receiving end of this tangled web of lies and
incompetence are the American people. Having been duped into a
war that has to date cost the lives of over 2,000 members of the
armed forces (not to mention hundreds of our coalition partners
and tens of thousands of Iraqis), the question now is how the
citizenry of the world's most powerful representative democracy
will respond.
Void of a major backlash on the part of the American people in
response to the deliberate falsification and deceit that has
transpired regarding Iraq and the now-debunked case for war, the
Libby indictment may prove to be little more than an exercise in
damage control. Already senior Republican officials, such as
Texas Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchinson, are calling the Libby
indictment a mere "technicality." Right-wing pundits refer to
the indictment as the "criminalization of politics," as if lying
one's way into an illegal war of aggression is somehow akin to
politics as usual.
If the American people go along with such blatant attempts at
obscuring the reality of the criminal conspiracy that has been
committed, then it is perhaps time we finally lay to rest this
experiment we call American democracy. At the very minimum,
Congress should be compelled into action. The Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence, and in particular its two senior
senators, Pat Robertson, R-Kan., and Jay Rockefeller, D-W.Va,
should not only complete their investigation into how the Bush
administration used (or misused) intelligence to formulate Iraq
policy, but also re-open its initial report into the so-called
"intelligence failure" regarding the flawed WMD assessments,
with the intent to indict any and all who conspired to keep
relevant information from, or made false statements to, that
committee during the conduct of its original investigation.
There must be a wider investigation into the totality of the
criminal conspiracy undertaken by the Bush administration to
defraud Congress and the American people about the issue of war
with Iraq, and in particular the case used to justify the
invasion of that country. The crime that was committed goes far
beyond the outing of a rogue diplomat's CIA-affiliated spouse,
as serious as that charge may be. The deliberate and systematic
manner in which the Bush administration, from the president on
down, peddled misleading, distorted and fabricated information
to Congress and the American people represents a frontal assault
on the very system of government the United States of America
proclaims to champion.
(C) 2005 GLOBAL VIEWPOINT
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