The Iraq War Runs through It
By Sydney H. Schanberg
The Village Voice
Monday 17 October 2005
Beyond the Miller-Libby game: people died.

Powell's 'blot' at the U.N. in '03. He's flanked by George Tenet
and John Negroponte.
http://villagevoice.com/news/0542,schanbergweb,68945,6.html
Six weeks ago, former Secretary of State Colin Powell said
publicly that the pre-war speech he gave to the United Nations
in early 2003 claiming vast evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass
destruction that turned out to be nonexistent was a "painful"
and lasting "blot" on his career.
Though his language of regret was bitterly potent, and it was
Powell's first in-depth interview since leaving office in
January, the nation's press gave it subdued play, far from the
front page, and let it die after one day's run.
"I'm the one who presented it on behalf of the United States to
the world," he told ABC's Barbara Walters, "and it will always
be part of my record. It was painful. It is painful now."
Powell blamed the detailed misinformation he spread before the
U.N. - about stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons and
an active nuclear weapons program - on "some people in the
intelligence community who knew at that time that some of these
sources were not good, and shouldn't be relied upon, and they
didn't speak up. That devastated me."
His U.N. speech, delivered on February 5, 2003, less than two
months before the U.S. invasion, did not sway the U.N. to
support the war, but it did raise support for it with the
American public.
I'm not pointing at this story to berate the press for
underplaying it. Lots of newsworthy events don't get their due
on a regular basis. Column space and airtime are not infinite,
and choices have to be made. Important as journalism is, it's
hardly infallible. Also, in assessing the weight of this story,
Powell's remarks could be seen as self-serving.
No, I brought it up because it seemed to link directly to
another story - the Plamegate investigation - that definitely is
getting a lot of attention. On that story's surface, a special
prosecutor, Patrick Fitzgerald, is trying to establish whether
senior White House officials, and maybe others, broke the law in
leaking the identity of an undercover CIA agent, Valerie Plame
Wilson, who worked in the field of weapons of mass destruction.
The apparent purpose of the leak was to punish and discredit her
husband, Joseph Wilson, a former U.S. ambassador in Africa. In
2002, the CIA was pressed by Dick Cheney's office for
information on a story that Iraq had bought from Niger, or
sought to buy, a large amount of uranium yellowcake, used in
making nuclear bombs. Wilson's wife recommended her husband for
the assignment because of his Africa contacts, and the CIA sent
him.
Wilson came back and reported he had found nothing to bear out
the story. The documents supporting it seemed inauthentic.
(Later it was established that they were actually forgeries. It
was a hoax.) But the Bush administration brushed aside Wilson's
findings and began presenting the story as authentic to
Congress's key intelligence committees to rally votes for the
war. Colin Powell, apparently not told the Niger intelligence
was bogus, was one of the presenters. Bush got his congressional
war vote in early March. The invasion began on March 20, 2003,
with a softening-up bombing campaign named "Shock and Awe."
Joseph Wilson, frustrated that his findings had been trashed,
finally went public with an op-ed piece for The New York Times
on July 6, 2003, laying out his information and accusing the
administration of "twisting" intelligence to justify the war.
With this, the White House's Plamegate smear campaign - which
seems to have begun months earlier out of the office of Cheney,
the administration's leading hawk - apparently revved into high
gear.
The day after Wilson's Times piece appeared, the White House
retracted its Niger story. It was the first admission of
falsehood or distortion in its case for the war. Actually,
Cheney, in public appearances, still insists occasionally that
the administration's original claims of weapons of mass
destruction (WMD) were based on solid intelligence and will
eventually turn out to be true. The war is more than
two-and-a-half years old, and still no WMDs have been
discovered.
The president has yet to admit he told massive untruths about
WMDs and the Iraqi threat in his State of the Union address in
late January 2003, just before U.S. forces went into battle. He
even included the bogus Niger uranium story. Powell, in his U.N.
speech some days later, excised the Niger story but left in all
the other claims about WMDs.
How does all this dovetail with Patrick Fitzgerald's Plamegate
investigation? Let us count the ways. All the participants and
the subject matter connect to the false claims about WMDs.
Karl Rove, the president's chief aide, and I. Lewis "Scooter"
Libby, Cheney's chief of staff - both of whom were key packagers
and sellers of the war - have been called in several times to
testify before the prosecutor's grand jury. Journalists with
whom those two men discussed Joseph and Valerie Wilson have also
been called in. Columnist Robert Novak, a political conservative
and hawk who was the first to reveal the name and CIA-operative
status of Valerie Plame, has also had contact with the
prosecutor, but to date, he refuses to reveal anything about his
case. Judith Miller of the Times refused to cooperate and spent
85 days in jail for civil contempt, which was vacated when she
worked out a deal with Fitzgerald to testify and turn over
notes. Her source was Cheney's man, Libby. (Both before and
during the war, Miller wrote stories about WMDs that generally
supported the White House case for war.) Bush and Cheney were
questioned by Fitzgerald himself, in their offices.
Although the grand jury's term expires on October 28, Fitzgerald
could extend it if he needs more time to finish up and possibly
prepare indictments. The current speculation - and that's all
there is, since the prosecutor has been extraordinarily tight -
lipped - is that he will finish on time.
Under the surface of this case, there has been a good deal of
debate by commentators and columnists over whether the
investigation has made a proverbial mountain out of a molehill.
Those who subscribe to the molehill theory contend that the
press and senior Washington officials exchange tittle - tattle
and trash talk all the time as mutual users of each other,
pursuing their very different jobs. This molehill crowd points
out that classified information is also frequently discussed,
since much that is marked secret in Washington is merely
embarrassing and has nothing to do with intelligence or national
security.
But the mountain crowd says that since the leaked information is
a direct outgrowth of all the untruths the Bush administration
told to scare and con the public into supporting the war, then,
at heart if not legally, the case is really about abuse of power
by the executive branch.
This debate is for coffee shops. What I find fascinating is that
we're about to learn what happens when you bamboozle the public
with empty words and false image - instead of trusting them with
the truth, or something close to it. So then it becomes a game
wrapped in a hoax - and the only goal is to get elected, not do
what's good for the country.
And with a war, lots of people die. There's got to be some
penalty for "leaders" who play that game - perhaps something
more than a permanent blot on their record.
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http://villagevoice.com/news/0542,schanbergweb,68945,6.html
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# See also: Judith Miller, Licensed Journalist
Security clearance creates conflict for reporter
by James Ridgeway
http://www.villagevoice.com/news/0542,webmondo1,68948,2.html
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