"The Secret Government" video segmentThu Sep 21, 2006 21:01
Bill Moyers' "The Secret Government" video segment
It aired on PBS in 1987 and is as good as anything on the tape (must see). Moyers is a very respected TV journalist who also worked for Lyndon B. Johnson and has a very professional approach. He interviews many different people involved with the CIA and other government agencies. His documentary gives quite an overview of what has actually happened in the last 50 years regarding the CIA and the cold war (including Iran, Guatamala, Cuba, Viet Nam and Chile). He features such people as Ralph McGeehee and Phil Retinger (both former CIA agents), Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque (Ret. U.S.N.), Theodore Bissell (active in the CIA at the time), Sen. Frank Church and many others. Moyers is so very credible. The full video "The Secret Government" is 90 minutes - this segment is edited by Frank Dorrel to 20 minutes.
This video segment totals 20 minutes and must be seen in 2 parts: Click here:
Moyers retired from television in December, 2004 at age 70. Upon his retirement the AP News Service quoted Moyers as saying, "I'm going out telling the story that I think is the biggest story of our time: how the right-wing media has become a partisan propaganda arm of the Republican National Committee. We have an ideological press that's interested in the election of Republicans, and a mainstream press that's interested in the bottom line. Therefore, we don't have a vigilant, independent press whose interest is the American people."
Bill Moyers Videos
* The 11th of September - Bill Moyers in Conversation (2001) - Studio: New Video Group
Two days after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, Bill Moyers began interviewing people about the significance of what had happened. Moyers speaks one-on-one with such people as author Robert J. Lifton, Harvard religion professor Diana Eck, theatrical director Julie Taymor, and Afghan-American editor and writer Tamim Ansary . People talk of good and evil, religion and mythology, heroism and humanity, all with a level of nuance never to be found on the cable network shoutfests. No one raises his or her voice, yet much of what is said will resonate in one's thoughts after the TV tube has grown cold.—Robert J. McNamara
Bill Moyers is Insightful, Erudite, Impassioned, Brilliant and the Host of PBS' "NOW"
A BUZZFLASH INTERVIEW
BUZZFLASH: Are you saying the bottom line corporate culture of large media conglomerates such as the Tribune Company, Time Warner, New York Times Company, Clear Channel or Rupert Murdoch's NewsCorp affects the perspectives of their individual media outlets -- as well as the reporting of political and governmental news in particular?
MOYERS: Sure. Rupert Murdoch is in a category by himself -- overtly political. He makes no bones about it. Sure, he wants NewsCorp to turn big profit, as it does. But he'll take losses on the New York Post and subsidize The Weekly Standard to advance his political agenda, which, of course, is ultimately aimed at the kind of government favoritism that boosts his corporate earning. I'm sure you know he's lobbying hard right now for FCC approval of his purchase of DirectTV, which will give him a network of satellite systems spanning Europe, Asia, and Latin America. He's starting all-news networks in Italy and India, and he's so desperate to please the Chinese that he dropped the BBC from his satellite operation in China just to please the communist leaders there who didn't like the coverage.
Few journalists have the guts to take on Murdoch the way columnist Richard Cohen did. He described Murdoch's properties -- including his Fox News Channel -- for what they are: "blatantly political, hardly confining Murdoch's conservative political ideology to editorials or commentary but infusing it into the news coverage itself."
That's the political side of it. Then there's the commercial side. Look, the founders of our government, the fellows who gave us the First Amendment, didn't count on the rise of these megamedia conglomerates. They didn't count on huge private corporations that would own not only the means of journalism but vast swaths of the territory that journalism is supposed to cover. When you get a handful of conglomerates owning more and more of our news outlets, you're not going to find them covering the intersection where their power meets political power.
The fact is that big money and big business, corporations and commerce, are the undisputed overlords of politics and government today. Barry Diller came on my PBS program and talked about what can happen when the media and political elites gang up on the public. Diller says we have a media oligopoly. Kevin Phillips says we have a political oligarchy. Talk about a marriage made in hell! Listen, these guys are reshaping our news environment. They're down in Washington wining and dining the powers-that-be insisting that any restriction on their ability to own media properties is a violation of their corporate First Amendment rights. They want to be the gatekeepers not only over what we see on television and hear on the radio but how we travel online.
Journalists feel squeezed -- those who simply believe we are here to practice our craft as if society needs what we do and expects us to do it as honorably as possible. There's another study around here somewhere done by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press and The Columbia Journalism Review. More than a quarter of journalists polled said they had avoided pursuing some important stories that might conflict with the financial interests of their news organizations or advertisers.
My favorite example is what happened during the nine months when Congress was considering the Telecommunications Act of 1996. That legislation amounted to some of America's richest and most powerful corporations picking the taxpayers' pockets of many billions of dollars. The three major network news broadcasts, whose parent companies were part of the heist, aired a sum total of only 19 minutes about the legislation. None of those 19 minutes included a single mention of debate over whether the broadcasters should pay for use of the digital spectrum that would make them richer.
Another example: Everyone knows political campaigns have become a get-rich quick scheme for local television station owners. But almost nobody knew in the winter of 2002 -- because the media weren't telling us -- that the broadcast lobbyists were strangling in the crib a requirement that the networks offer candidates their least expensive advertising rates, so campaigning wouldn't cost so much.
Take the big story this year -- the White House and its big corporate allies prodding the FCC to relax the rules to allow the conglomerates to get even bigger. Practically no major news outlets bothered to cover it. Our little program on PBS stayed on the story -- the FCC became our beat -- and we kept throwing our spotlight on it until the public caught on. Over two million citizens bombarded the FCC and Congress with protests. Suddenly Congress woke up and realized people really care about these media issues. The Senate has stopped the FCC from acting and there are votes in the House to do the same except that Tom Delay won't let it come to the floor. I was flabbergasted to read the other day that even the FCC chairman, Michael Powell, had to acknowledge that if it hadn't been for PBS, there wouldn't have been any media coverage of the most important media story of the year.
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