Antony Sutton
THE NEW WORLD ORDER
Sat Aug 21, 2004 23:46
64.140.158.177
THE NEW WORLD ORDER
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/hijacking.asp
Between 1983-1986, the British-born conspiracy theorist Antony Sutton wrote a
series of pamphlets about the Order of Skull & Bones. According to informed
sources, Sutton was one of several historians who were provided with a large
file of the Order's internal documents, including minutes of some meetings,
descriptions of rituals, and what would appear to be a rather complete list of
its members from its founding through to the early 1980s. The short pamphlets
were compiled into one volume and published as a book in 1986.
For someone closely following the just-concluded Persian Gulf War and
attempting to gain some insight into George Bush's performance during that
largely orchestrated affair, one recurring theme in the Sutton volume stands
out like a sore thumb: the New World Order.
According to the Skull & Bones documents used by Sutton in his somewhat flawed
profile of the Order, the creation of a New World Order is a primary goal of
the Bonesmen and has been for decades. For the initiates into the Order, the
term New World Order has a very specific meaning.
It is a world dominated by American military power and American control over
all strategic raw materials. Just as the Greek city-state of Sparta provided
the Skull & Bones with the image of a WASP warrior caste, the Persian Empire,
with its system of coalitions of satrap armies, provides the model for the
Bonesmen's New World Order. The image of Secretary of State James A. Baker III
traveling from foreign capital to foreign capital demanding military legions
or chests of gold to finance the war for a New World Order is an image
straight out of the chronicles of the Persian Empire.
According to the recent biography of Henry Stimson, the man who inspired
President Bush was firmly convinced that it was essential for America to go to
war once every generation or so. It was, for Stimson, a spiritually cleansing
process which enables the nation to rally behind a cause and overcome its
weaknesses and shortcomings in one grand burst of military fervor. The
romantic mystique of the purgative powers of combat is key to understanding
the political philosophy of Skull & Bones.
Although America's Vietnam debacle remains a bitter memory of the Bonesmen's
failure in war, the recent Persian Gulf conflict, with its massive overkill
and the use of highly advanced weapons and technologies, is now the new
glorious symbol of the WASP warrior caste's reincarnation. When President Bush
vowed that the Gulf War would not be another Vietnam, he was speaking first
and foremost to his fellow Bonesmen -- not to the American people. If such
thinking smacks of dangerous fantasy on the part of a major world power in the
modern era, it is indeed.
On a more practical political level, the Gulf War was a gambit to save the
Bush presidency from a mounting pile of domestic financial woes, not the least
of which was the savings and loan (S&L) crisis and a pending series of
failures of major commercial banks. In the months preceding the Gulf showdown,
the president's own son, Neil Bush, came under intense media scrutiny for his
role in the failure of a large S&L in Colorado. Neil's photograph, testifying
under oath before a congressional committee probing fraud among top S & L
managers, became a familiar front-page feature in every major newspaper in
America, threatening dangerous popular disillusion with the Yale Bonesman in
the White House. With a U.S. federal government deficit projected at nearly a
half a trillion dollars for Fiscal Year 1991, in large part because of the S&L
crisis and a shrinking business tax base, the Democratic Party majority in the
U.S. Congress was pressing for deep cutbacks in defense spending now that the
Cold War had ended.
On the international stage, the reunification of Germany, clearly the most
dramatic event of 1990, posed new challenges to the Bush team. Germany was
about to emerge as the dominant power in continental Europe by virtue of its
advanced industrial infrastructure and its long tradition of independent
political dealings with Moscow. Just months before the outbreak of the Gulf
crisis, Germany's Chancellor Helmut Kohl had met with Soviet President Mikhail
Gorbachev and signed a long term economic assistance pact. As a result,
Gorbachev dropped all remaining objections to the immediate reunification of
Germany.
At that point, the Bush administration changed its tactics. Previously, in
sharp contrast to the Thatcher government in Great Britain, it had been
nominally in favor of German reunification. But at the Houston economic summit
of the Group of Seven Industrialized Countries in the summer of 1990, the
United States blocked (with Britain) Germany's plan of unconditional economic
aid to the Soviet Union. President Bush took the position that the Soviet
Union must submit to International Monetary Fund requisites as a precondition
for any substantive economic assistance.
In the Far East, Japan's continuing growth in manufacturing also posed a
threat to Washington's desire to retain superpower status. If President Bush
and his Bonesmen coterie were unaware of a stunning historical analogy, their
British "cousins" were quick to pick up on the parallels between the global
strategic situation in July 1990 and the identical international situation
that existed 100 years earlier.
In the 1890s, France, under the brilliant political leadership of Foreign
Minister Gabriel Hanataux, was attempting to forge a Eurasian alliance with
Germany, Russia and Meiji Japan. The idea was to link continental Europe with
Japan and China through a series of large overland infrastructure projects,
beginning with the Trans-Siberian Railroad. Through treaties covering key
areas of economic and security matters, Hanataux hoped to create a zone of
prosperity, built on a foundation of rapid economic growth and extensive
trade.
Such a political-economic common interest alliance threatened the imperial
hegemony of Great Britain. At the turn of the 20th century, Britain looked to
the United States (as its English-speaking ally) to join in sabotaging the
Hanataux plan. Through the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Russo-Japanese
War of 1905, Britain and her American junior partner (by then led by Henry
Stimson's old mentor Teddy Roosevelt) managed to disrupt the
French-German-Russian-Japanese economic axis. Two world wars and the Great
Depression were the consequences of that interference.
THE PERSIAN GULF WAR
It was against this historical backdrop that President Bush, invoking the
World War II imagery of his Skull & Bones idol Henry Stimson, went to war
against Iraq. There is even speculation that President Bush was personally
instrumental in luring Saddam Hussein into invading Kuwait, thereby provoking
the American-led military response. Many news accounts have emphasized that a
two-hour private meeting between the president and Margaret Thatcher in the
Aspen, Colorado vacation chalet of U.S. Ambassador Henry Catto on August 2,
1990 helped finalize Bush's decision to immediately deploy military force.
Recently, an astute Japanese analyst drew a disturbing parallel between Bush
and FDR, who was greatly influenced by Stimson. According to the writer, FDR
lured Japan into World War II through an intricate series of economic warfare
maneuvers which left Japan with little choice but to strike-back. In much the
same way, said the analyst, Bush had lured Saddam Hussein into Kuwait in order
to launch a new Gulf War that would have consequences reaching far beyond Iraq
and the Middle East.
As a result of the military victory over Iraq, the United States is in the
process of establishing a string of permanent military bases throughout the
Persian Gulf and Near East. The oil sheikdoms of the region, led by Saudi
Arabia, are now thoroughly dependent on the American military presence to
ensure the survival of their regimes. The Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) is effectively captured by Washington. American bankers aided
by U.S. gunboats now are setting world oil prices. Thus, one consequence of
the Persian Gulf War is that the United States now has an oil weapon --
pointed principally at Germany and Japan. Ironically, America's two chief
economic rivals have paid out a total of $27 billion to date to help finance a
Bush administration military adventure which put the oil weapon in
Washington's hand.
Another telling example of how the Order's man in the Oval Office intends to
administer a crumbling U.S. domestic economy while imposing the New World
Order on the rest of the world is to be found in the recent buyout of the
majority of stock in Citicorp, the largest U.S. commercial bank, by Saudi
Prince Talal bin Abdul Aziz. Citicorp is one of the major American commercial
banks on the verge of collapse, but which is considered by the Bush
administration and the Federal Reserve System to be "too big to fall." The
stock purchase amounted to a Saudi Royal Family bail-out of Citicorp, using
the increased profits being enjoyed by the House of Saud as a result of the
massive jump in Saudi oil production since the beginning of the Gulf crisis in
August 1990.
There points up a striking difference between the role of the United States in
World War II and the Bush administration's handling to date of the Middle East
crisis. During World War II, the United States went through a genuine economic
revival. Skull & Bones historian Samuel Huntington described it as a "neo
Hamiltonian" policy, a reference to the first United States Secretary of the
Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Beginning in 1939, America became a major
supplier of military and industrial goods under the Lend-Lease program to the
European states fighting Hitler. At the same time, the federal government
began issuing low-interest credits to revive the nation's manufacturing base
which had been gutted by a decade of economic depression. The industrial
buildup accelerated once the United States formally entered .World War II,
leading to the establishing of entirely new industrial sectors, such as
aerospace and petrochemicals.
This time around -- at least to date -- there has been no such marshaling of
the U.S. domestic industrial base. Despite moderate increases in the
production of certain high-tech weapons systems, the U.S. economy continues
its gradual slide into what could be a new depression. Unemployment is greater
than at any point in the last decade. Some sociologists fear that the complete
disintegration of America's urban centers could produce new race-riots as
early as the summer of 1991.
The single greatest challenge to George Bush and the Order is: Can they
capitalize on the current revival of the American spirit to reverse the
disastrous post-industrial society dogmas, and launch their own version of the
World War II neo-Hamiltonian industrial recovery? So far, some doomsayers
claim, it appears that Bush and his administration plan instead to direct
their efforts at looting and blackmailing the rest of the world -- especially
the gulf oil sheikdoms, Japan and Germany -- into bailing out the bankrupt
U.S. financial houses and federal government and financing the posting of
American-led foreign legions at every corner of the globe where there are
large deposits of strategic raw materials. If this policy is not altered,
George Bush may soon find himself presiding over a new disaster that will make
the Vietnam debacle appear insignificant in comparison.
The politics of the New World Order appear to be borrowed largely from the
pages of the decline and fall of the British Empire. Political columnist
Patrick Buchanan, an early vocal opponent of the Bush Persian Gulf strategy,
warned as early as August 1990 that the White House was falling into the trap
of British "balance of power" politics, the very politics that left Great
Britain on the scrap heap of world powers at the close of World War II, and
put Winston Churchill, the architect of World War II and the Cold War, out of
a job.
Since the crushing military defeat of Iraq by a technologically far superior
American-led coalition, the Bush administration has vacillated on a postwar
policy for the region. It has pursued a pragmatic power balancing game which
is rife with potential problems. The two key elements of the American
balance-of-power politics in the region are the preservation of a weakened but
territorially whole Iraq to offset the other would-be regional-powers Iran and
Syria. At the same time, it is tilting toward a nominally more "pro-Arab"
position with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
While the harsh reparations terms being imposed upon a war-devastated Iraq are
probably, in the mind of Bush, aimed at dissuading any future regional
military power from launching-cross-border aggressions, they amount to the
slow, excruciating extermination of the population of that country. As one
seasoned observer noted recently, earlier air wars had caused greater
immediate losses of life, due to the inaccuracy of bombs and rockets, but had
generally left basic infrastructures intact. The precision bombing of Iraq's
entire infrastructure has caused what a United Nations team has called an
"apocalypse." The greater loss of life will occur in the aftermath of the
combat as a country with 16 million inhabitants is suddenly thrown into a
"pre-industrial" state with no electricity, no water or other necessities.
American humanitarian aid, administered by occupying troops, will not offset
this apocalypse -- especially if harsh war reparations and asset seizures
deprive Iraq of the financial resources needed to begin a rebuilding process.
Regardless of the fact that the United States has not thrown the full weight
of its military presence behind the overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime,
the shortsightedness of the present Bush policy may very well lead to a
Lebanon-type protracted civil war in Iraq. Such a war could potentially spread
throughout the region.
MORE:>>
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/hijacking.asp
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People recoil, proof stares us in the face every day. —
Sat
Aug 21 22:13
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The world's largest pile of gold still shines —
Sun Aug 22 02:49
- GOLD JEWS OWE THE WORLD!! — Mon Aug 23 21:42
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The world's largest pile of gold still shines —
Sun Aug 22 02:49
