Containing the Military Industrial Complex
Submitted by davidswanson on Sun, 2006-07-16 14:42. Activism
By David Swanson
Remarks at Democracy Fest, San Diego, July 15, 2006
http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/node/13040
More than any other weapons system, the chief products of the
military industrial complex are lies. We just learned this week
that Congress was cracking down on corruption by denying another
contract to Halliburton. In reality, Halliburton has completed
its main task of building five permanent bases and doesn't care
as much about more contracts for services for soldiers. And, in
fact, last month the Senate rejected, nearly along party lines,
a bill to create honest contracting and impose penalties for
fraud of the sort almost openly engaged in by Halliburton.
Lies and secrets are what the military industrial media complex
sells us. We say the phrase "military industrial complex," but
the lies that it hides behind permeate our thinking and dominate
the politics of both major parties. Some of these lies are:
Being tough and hungry for war makes us safer.
The wars we wage have something to do with defense.
The wars we wage are fought for reasons related to foreign
threats or international relations.
We wage our wars reluctantly.
Working for peace is weak.
These lies are engrained in all of us, and you will find
vestiges of them in yourself long after you reject them. The
fact is that the larger our military grows, the less safe we are
– because the size of it encourages its use, and its use creates
enemies and terrorists.
The Bush Cheney gang has increased spending on weapons and wars
to create the largest deficit ever. Our kids and grandkids will
pay for this with their dollars and possibly their lives.
What drives our government to behave this way?
Congressman John Murtha recently sent his colleagues a letter
comparing the $8 billion a month we're spending to kill Iraqis
with the costs of various other projects, but Murtha has voted
each year to spend that war money, and the alternatives he
offered focused on so-called "Homeland Security" and included a
plea to build more ships and planes for the military.
Where does this drive come from to only oppose a war with
language that encourages the growth of the Military Industrial
Media complex?
The first place we instinctively look is bribes, or what in
Washington we call campaign contributions. And those are not
insignificant: $16 million in 2004 from weapons makers, 63% of
it to Republicans, and $53 million from energy companies, 75% of
it to Republicans. The biggest profiteers in the current war are
oil companies. If the illegal war bothers you and the price of
gas bothers you, it may be even more disturbing to understand
that the war was fought in order to raise the price of gas.
But the bribes from weapons makers and oil drillers are small
beside those of other industries. And there are members of
Congress who do not take them but still behave as if they took
them. I'd like to suggest three ways to explain this.
FIRST, Congress Members fear and pander to the corporate media,
and the corporate media will not tolerate opposition to the
military industrial complex. Just prior to the attack on Iraq,
FAIR found that over three quarters of the guests discussing the
coming war on ABC, CBS, NBC, and PBS news were current or former
government officials, and three-quarters of those who were not
government officials were still supporters of the war. Meanwhile
less than 1% were identified with organized protests or anti-war
groups.
Of course that makes sense if you're covering a coming war, as
opposed to covering a real debate that might not lead to war.
When the Downing Street Memo came out, we promoted it at
AfterDowningStreet.org, and editors and producers told us it was
old news. It was to them. They had known that the war was
decided on. They just hadn't told their viewers.
One force that integrates the media into the military industrial
complex is advertising. Another is ownership. Many media
magnates – people like Rupert Murdoch, who is hosting a
fundraiser for Hillary Clinton, his designated '08 loser, have
links to weapons companies. GE, which owns NBC, is a weapons
company. The Carlyle Group is also getting into media ownership.
Another force is ratings. More people watch TV when there's a
war. Another force is think tanks. The Project for a New
American Century, whose Deputy Director has been hired by
Lockheed Martin, had a heavy presence of talking heads and
columnists selling the war.
The MIM Complex sold us the WMD lies and profited handsomely.
Halliburton even got $40 million to search for the mythical
weapons. But a lot of Democrats refused and still refuse to
oppose the lie machine. Here's a typical self-destructive pseudo
attack on Bush's war penned by Josh Marshall in October '03:
"Every big new piece of legislation needs a catchy title. And I
think I've come up with a good one for the $87 billion. How
about 'The Bush Crony Full Employment Act of 2003'? Now, before
you get up in arms, I'm for however much money our troops need
to get the job done in Iraq…."
Were you about to get up in arms? I don't even carry arms.
But we are afraid to speak against war and have been for many
years. I'm convinced that the ease with which we've accepted the
utterly incoherent notion of a "war on terror" can be partially
credited to our acceptance of such language as "war on poverty"
or "war on drugs."
How about peace to end poverty, and prosperity to end terrorism?
How about media reform, public media, independent media, and
honest news?
The SECOND explanation I would offer for why we fight is that
the MIM Complex is the major engine driving our economy.
Democratic Congress Members support weapons factories for the
sake of the jobs, even knowing that two-thirds of the bribes
from the profits will go to Republicans. Within weeks of 9-11,
the Department of Attack asked weapons makers for proposals to
help "fight terrorism," and the Carlyle Group took a company
public, citing 9-11 as a reason why it could.
Under Bush, military spending is up dramatically – it's at
roughly $400 billion per year, not counting another $500 billion
for war, not counting Homeland Insecurity, and not counting
weapons sales to other countries. But this is a horribly
inefficient way to stimulate an economy. Just like Bush's tax
cuts (which, in contrast to his military spending, Democrats are
not afraid to criticize) military spending puts too much money
in the few pockets that are already bulging – and it is
incredibly wasteful and corrupt. We need a way to drive our
economy that benefits those who need it and does so without
sacrificing American lives to kill other people. And we need to
spend in a sector of the economy not associated with flag waving
and war anthems, thus allowing Congress to exercise sober
oversight. Some ideas include infrastructure in our cities,
renewable energy, energy-efficient transportation, and
retraining all of those people who can now stop searching our
shoes and laptops when we get on planes.
We also need a ban on sending the National Guard abroad, a
mandatory use of the draft for any war, taxes for war paid
weekly and called a War Tax, and a requirement that children of
Members of Congress, the President, and the Vice President go to
war.
The THIRD and final explanation I'll propose for the MIM
Complex's influence on our government is this: The Bush White
House is a wholey owned subsidiary of Weapons R Us. The National
Institute for Public Policy, which hired several so-called
thinkers from weapons makers has three alumni in the Bush
Administration. The Center for Security Policy, which has 8
weapons executives on its board, has 22 former board members or
associates in the Bush Cheney gang. Thirty-two major appointees
in the Bush Administration are former executives, consultants,
or significant shareholders of weapons companies. Seven members
of the Bush Administration came from Northrop Grumman and eight
from Lockheed Martin – on whose board Dick Cheney's wife served
until 2001, receiving a half a million dollars for whatever it
was she did.
The Secretary of the Navy came from General Dynamics, and the
Deputy Secretary of State from Raytheon and Boeing – a company
that Karl Rove owned $100,000 to $250,000 worth of stock in.
Then there are those, like James Woolsey, who serve on advisory
boards to the Bush Administration, while simultaneously
profiting from the policies they advise on. The LA Times had a
lengthy article a year ago yesterday on the long list of people
who helped promote a war on Iraq and then set up new companies
to profit from it. Bush himself has an uncle and two brothers
profiting from this war. But then he had a grandfather who
profited from the Nazis and worked with one of Hitler's top
funders. So there is a substantial family tradition to uphold.
Speaking of which, well known people connected to the Carlyle
Group include not just the bin Laden family, but also James
Baker, Frank Carlucci, and George Bush the First. The Carlyle
Group owns an arm of the British Ministry of Defense, a former
branch of the Italian military, and the company in Santa Clara,
United Defense, where Bush Jr. gave a speech after waddling
across a flight deck to declare mission accomplished.
And then there is Cheney. As Secretary of Attack he paid
Halliburton to write a report recommending shifting more work to
companies like Halliburton, which got most of the work. Cheney
then worked for Halliburton for 5 years and $44 million before
going back to what he calls governing. But he continued to
receive a salary and hold stock options.
We've moved beyond the sort of war profiteering that Truman
called treason. We've moved into a threat to our democracy that
is exactly what Madison and Jefferson meant by high crimes and
misdemeanors. There is only one thing we can decently do, and
that is to impeach the criminals and remove them from office.
And while it is obscene to put electoral considerations ahead of
our duty to impeach, those who do so should attempt to remember
that no matter how many times they're told impeachment is good
for Republicans, all of the evidence points exactly the other
way.
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