Free Speech From the Mouths of Babes?
By Selwyn Duke
Last week the Supreme court handed down three free speech
rulings that find favor with conservatives. One of them is Morse
et al. v. Frederick, a case involving the free speech rights of
students. At issue is a five year old incident wherein a
Juneau-Douglas High School senior named Joe Frederick raised a
14-foot banner stating “Bong Hits 4 Jesus” and was subsequently
suspended for “drug speech” by then school principal Deborah
Morse. Writing for the majority in a five to four decision in
favor of the school, Chief Justice John Roberts reasoned that
the First Amendment should not be applied in this case because
the student was encouraging drug use.
While I agree with the principal’s actions and take solace in
the knowledge that educators’ hands won’t be further tied, the
Supreme Court’s ruling does nothing to address what is the
underlying problem. In fact, with the convoluted logic displayed
by virtually all members of the court, it’s hard to find much to
applaud in this judgement.
The real issue here extends far beyond this one case and harks
back to a precedent set in 1969 in the Tinker v. Des Moines
ruling, which divined from the Constitution a right to free
speech in schools. Upon issuance of that decision the court
stated,
“It can hardly be argued that either students or teachers shed
their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression
at the schoolhouse gate.”
Really? What can hardly be argued is that the donning of a black
robe confers intelligence, wisdom or even much useful knowledge
upon the wearer.
The truth here can be found in one of the few bright spots in
this case. Writing in his concurrence, Justice Clarence Thomas
drove to the heart of the matter in saying,
“. . . it cannot seriously be suggested that the First Amendment
‘freedom of speech’ encompasses a student’s right to speak in
public schools.”
Leftists can argue till they’re blue in the face, but the truth
is that students do not have freedom of speech in school. Why,
we can spew profanity at others on the street – in fact, some
people where I grew up in NYC consider it a pastime – but a
student may be punished if he directs same at a teacher or peer.
I also have to wonder if the left’s highly principled stand in
defense of free speech would be maintained in the face of a
student given to Nazi and white supremacist rhetoric.
The fact is that we don’t ascribe to minors an adult set of
rights. Minors may not buy alcohol or cigarettes, drive before a
certain age, join the military, get married or enter into other
kinds of legal contracts. Most tellingly, while enshrined in the
Constitution is, “A well regulated militia being necessary to
the security of a free State, the right of the People to keep
and bear arms shall not be infringed,” there isn’t much clamor
to extend this right to minors.
In ignoring this, the more conservative members of the court are
guilty of the same reasoning, if not the same sanctimony, as the
left. Virtually no one supports granting “free speech” to
students; that is, free speech properly understood. As I’ve said
before, freedom of speech is but a facade unless the guarantee
protects even the most odious, most offensive, most unpopular
speech of all. Popular sentiments require no legal protection,
as their popularity is protection enough. Thus, to draw the
distinctions we already have – oh, such as proscribing “hate
speech” on school grounds (remember, we may spew whatever hatred
we wish, even the faux variety the thought police hate so much)
– is to tacitly acknowledge that there is no free speech in that
arena. (Note: This isn’t a violation of the Constitution because
the original intent of its framers is what rightly governs the
document’s application, and it’s unreasonable to believe these
18th century men would have granted children the right to be
sassy brats.)
Schools also are not alone as governmental institutions that
prohibit free speech. Most obviously, military personnel are
quite limited in the use of the tongue, and police departments
come to mind as well. In fact, with sexual harassment and hate
speech codes becoming the stuff of bureaucratic rubric, it may
be hard to find an American governmental entity that affords its
workers that most important American freedom. And while I
definitely dislike the way this principle of censorship is
applied by our Orwellian puppeteers, the principle itself is
sound. Only the most delusional egalitarian fails to understand
that for a society to function properly, just hierarchies must
be operative and respected. Thus, when the Black Robes turn
around and speak of protecting what does not exist, students’
“right to free speech,” they illustrate their philosophical
bankruptcy.
A mature approach begins with the understanding that it isn’t a
question of whether students will be muzzled, but only what kind
of filter that muzzle will be fitted with. This begs the next
question: Who should make this judgement? Parents should,
through their local school boards; as with obscenity, local
community standards should apply. After all, who should be the
arbiter of the rules governing your schools, you or some Black
Robes in Washington?
The degree of irrationality exhibited by the court becomes truly
evident when you consider that after accepting the supposition
that the First Amendment applies to students, it turns about and
states that this constitutional protection doesn’t apply to
their advocacy of drug use. But why not? After all, many among
us encourage drug use – with the protection of the First
Amendment. Are there two first amendments, one for schools and
another for everyone else?
What this boils down to is that, after all the intellectual
contortions and philoso-babble, the court is saying something
very simple: Students shouldn’t be allowed to say certain
things. It’s just that most of our jurists are too dull to
realize this.
The truth is that the Black Robes are once again casting
themselves as men for all seasons, not just as those well versed
in the law but as experts in the area of everything. They are
anything but, however, and this is evident in their own lack of
consensus; not only was the high court divided in this matter,
the ninth circuit court of appeals had previously ruled
contrarily. Then there is the fact that the court upheld
students’ “right” to religious and political expression. Okay,
then, what if Master Frederick had claimed that his message was
not pro-drug but anti-religion?
In point of fact, what he did claim was that he was just trying
to raise a ruckus. Principal Morse certainly didn’t accept this
explanation, and maybe she was right, maybe she was wrong, but
is the court better suited to discern such things? Could they
say definitively that the message wasn’t designed to create a
ruckus when it was certainly controversial or that it wasn’t a
religious statement despite the use of Jesus’ name? Our courts
have come to define hubris; in the past they told us some
religious symbols aren’t religious in nature; will they now tell
us that some religious motivations are not? Ah, the Black Robes,
they aren’t just constitutional scholars (if only), they’re also
theologians and authorities on ruckuses.
What’s so tragic about this manifestation of judicial
imperialism is that it’s part and parcel of a destructive, wider
problem: The undermining of just hierarchies and discipline
through an incremental neutering of authority figures. Our
troops in Iraq are handcuffed by ridiculously stringent rules of
engagement and must worry about criminal prosecution if they run
afoul of them; our police are in a similar predicament. Parents
hands are partially tied by a government that tells them how
they may discipline their children, and the threat of social
services intrusion looms large. And teachers are rendered
impotent by lawsuit-loving parents and legal prohibitions.
Understand, though, that power stripped from the people doesn’t
disappear into a black hole of permissiveness; like wealth, it’s
transferred. In this case it’s placed in the imperious hands of
the Black Robes, those higher authorities that fancy themselves
to be the highest authority.
You know, when I sniff the air downwind of the Black Robes, I
sense the stench of ego. For they aren’t content to be
governmental umpires. Flushed with power and illusions about
their own intellectualism and infallibility, many judges’ master
status follows a certain evolutionary path: Jurist, social
activist, social-engineer, demigod . . . you can finish the
progression. But I wonder if the people’s obeisance is as
boundless as Black Robes may fancy. For how long will we
continue to respect the rule of law when that law is handed down
by those who believe in the law of their rule? After all, when
Black Robes cease abiding by the supreme law of the land, the
Constitution, we are then governed not by the rule of law but
the rule of lawyers.
So, I have a word of caution for the Black Robes. One day you
will go to the well once too often, and then maybe, just
perhaps, people will recognize what surrounds you as more miasma
than mystique. Perhaps then, realizing our law has become a mere
toy of judges who would be kings and that bearing the title
“Your Honor” doesn’t confer honor, citizens will echo the 150
year old sentiments of President Andrew Jackson. Knowing the
court was as bereft of coercive power as it was of the
intellectual variety, his response to an unfavorable court
ruling was simple: “They have made the decision, now let them
enforce it.”
Contact Selwyn Duke
SelwynDuke@aol.com