Brian Downing Quig
[okbomb] The Primary Scapegoat Scenario
Tue Mar 30 11:37:25 2004
63.228.144.66

From: Brian Downing Quig quig@dcia.com
Date: Mon Nov 1, 1999 4:34 pm
Subject: [okbomb] The Primary Scapegoat Scenario
If Jones was really representing McVeigh's interests he never would
have conspired to demolish the Murrah building two days early ---
the crime scene destroyed just 22 days after the crime. Do you know
that as a DA in Texas Jones was connected to George Bush?

Jones' reason given below for the government's limiting the
conspirators to 2 is dumb.

This critical decision was made on day 2 after the bombing. McVeigh
was found and the bombing involved only McVeigh and his friend. On
day two Clinton and Reno said there was no mid east connection,
counter to all the original speculation and the first day APB.
Tulsa and OKC police had pat leads to an Abraham Ahmad who was the
translator for the OKC Iraqi community. Amad who was questioned
several times en route to Beirut was stopped at Heathrow and sent
back to Washington where he was told you are cleared --- you can go
home now. He does not need to see his father any longer and he
returns to OKC.

Ahmad's baggage went on to Athens where it was opened and a blue
jogging suit and bomb making tools were found --- a bit reminiscent
of the World Trade Center bomber who was caught because he returned
for his deposit on the truck or Lee Harvey Oswald holding up the
Manlicher Carcano and the communist newspapers. Everything needed
to convict Ahmad in the eyes of the American public was right there.

I call this the primary scapegoat scenario. It needed to be
rescinded on day 2 because the damage pattern on the building was
not believable due to several devices that failed to detonate inside
the building.

Since Dennis Mahon is the registered agent for Saddam it is not too
difficult to weave his Elohem City group into this scapegoat group.

The first priority of the bombers became the demolition of the crime
scene and to make the bombing as small as possible.

This is just like it was with the JFK assassination. Day one David
Phillips CIA Chief of Western Hemisphere was releasing information
that Oswald visited with a KGB supervisor of assassination in Mexico
City.

Then suddenly Oswald was a loner with no friends --- a neat trick
that could not have occurred without the subservience of the mass
media.

Brian Downing Quig

sjames wrote:

Another perspective on the bombing -

Kansas City "Pitch" Magzine Week of December 20, 1998

1¾

BY PETER HANCOCK

On the morning of April 19, 1995, an explosion of unimaginable force
ripped through the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma
City. The blast was so tremendous it registered on seismic
monitoring equipment 16 miles away at the Oklahoma Geological
Monitoring Station in

Norman. It took days for rescue workers to dig through the rubble
and remove the dead and injured. When the final tally was taken, 168
bodies were identified, 16 of them children under the age of six. In
a state with just over 3 million inhabitants, it seemed everyone in
Oklahoma had a friend or relative who was in the Murrah building
that day. Stephen Jones was no exception. In his years as a trial
attorney in

Oklahoma, Jones had tried cases in the federal courtrooms. He was
acquainted with many of the judges, secretaries and office workers
who were among the people killed in the blast. Three weeks later,
while driving from Houston back to his home in Enid, about 100 miles
northwest of Oklahoma City, Jones got a phone call from the chief
judge of the Western District of Oklahoma, David Russell, asking him
to defend Timothy McVeigh, the man charged with carrying out the
deadliest act of domestic terrorism in U.S. history. >From there,
Jones on a legal odyssey that would take him up against a government
engaged in perhaps the most intensive federal prosecution since the
assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King. He waded through the gutter
of the anti-government "patriot movement" that had been burning
across the Great Plains, and he had brushes with people involved, or
suspected of being involved, with foreign international terrorist
groups

before finally taking his case to a federal courthouse in Denver,
where McVeigh's trial had been moved. Only two people would ever be
charged with the bombing: McVeigh, who was

convicted and sentenced to death for the murder of four federal
agents who died in the blast; and Terry Lynn Nichols, a former Army
buddy of McVeigh's who was convicted of second-degree murder and
sentenced to life in prison for his role in the conspiracy to build
the bomb and carry out the attack. But as Jones asserts in his
recently-published book, "Others Unknown," (published by
PublicAffairs, $25.00) it is a virtual certainty that many

more people were involved in the plot, people who have never been
identified by the government or brought to justice. Jones was in
Kansas City for a book-signing event Nov. 10 and took time out of
his schedule for an interview with PitchWeekly. "The government
coopted the mainstream media almost immediately and held

a sort of solid line on what the official story was," he said. "Then
they were able to prevent some depositions in some civil cases, then
they got the judge (Richard Matsch) to order that discovery material
-- witnesses' statements, etc. -- would have to be filed under seal.
They couldn't be filed under public record. There were hours upon
hours of secret proceedings in the judge's conference room where
these matters were thrashed out. and then they were able to prevent
the introduction of significant evidence that undermined the
government's case." All that, combined with actions the government
continued to take after the trial was over -- including, according
to Jones, pressuring lawmakers into not allowing him to testify
before a subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee that was
investigating domestic terrorism -- prompted Jones to write a book,
detailing what he claims was a larger conspiracy to blow up the
federal building, and the government's own effort to cover it up.
But if readers pick up the book thinking they will hear from McVeigh
himself who those other people involved were, they will be
disappointed.

Jones does not divulge any confidential information that was spoken
to him by McVeigh, whose conviction and death sentence are still
under appeal. Nor does he make any attempt to proclaim McVeigh's
innocence. What the book does describe, however, are indicators of a
larger conspiracy uncovered by the defense team's own investigation,
and the lengths to which the government went to keep evidence of
that conspiracy

from being admitted into court, or even reported to the American
public.

The existence of "others unknown" who were involved in the plot
would be

important, from a legal standpoint, because under federal rules of
criminal procedure, a court may consider that as a mitigating factor
in deciding whether to impose the death penalty. But the decision to
pursue the death penalty had been made early on by the government,
and it was pronounced publicly within hours of the April

19 bombing by none other than the President of the United States
Bill Clinton and his Attorney General Janet Reno. The idea of a
larger conspiracy comes as no great news to local law enforcement
officials in northeast Kansas, where Terry Nichols lived and

where the truck bomb was allegedly built. For two years prior to the
bombing, police and sheriff's departments in Topeka and surrounding
counties had been keeping a close eye on a local outfit of the
anti-government "Freemen" organization. And it also comes as no
shock to officials in northeast Kansas that federal investigators
deliberately ignored or supressed evidence that other people besides
McVeigh and Nichols were involved in the bombing. In the weeks and
months after the bombing, there were rampant reports around
Pottawatomie and Shawnee counties that at least one, possibly two,
yellow Ryder rental trucks had been seen driving to and from the
small farm of Ronald A.A. Griesacker, the leader of the local
Freemen group who would later become involved in other high-profile
incidents involving anti-government groups. Griesacker, who is
currently awaiting sentencing in Wichita on unrelated

federal charges for bank fraud and weapons violations, was also
known to

be associated with another local resident who, according to local
investigators, bore an uncanny resemblance to the description and
sketch

of John Doe No. 2, the mysterious figure who was reportedly with
McVeigh

when he rented the Ryder truck, but whom the government now claims
either never existed or was a case of mistaken identity. Officials
in Shawnee County have told reporters that they showed FBI agents a
photo of the man they suspected of being John Doe No. 2, but were
told that the man had already been investigated and had been
cleared. Later, when local investigators checked the man's work
records to determine if the man was at work at any of the times John
Doe No. 2 was spotted elsewhere (he was not at work at those times),
they were told that no one from the FBI had ever made a similar
inquiry. Local investigators also say that the FBI was given a sworn
affidavit from a prosecutor in Pottawatomie County who told about
complaints he received from local citizens before the Oklahoma City
bombing about explosions that were taking place on Griesacker's
farm, where a Ryder rental truck supposedly had been seen coming and
going. But according to Jones, who maintains a computer index of
more than 30,000 names that surfaced during the investigation,
neither Griesacker's name nor that of the possible John Doe No. 2
ever appeared in any of the documents the FBI provided to the
defense team. As the trial of Timothy McVeigh approached in 1997,
the government changed its story about John Doe No. 2 and stated, at
least to the public, that there probably was no such person. The man
described as being with McVeigh when he rented the truck was in fact
Pvt. Todd Bunting, a U.S. Army soldier who, the government said,
just happened to be at Elliot's Body Shop in Junction City around
the same time as McVeigh. The person behind the counter who
identified the men, the government said, simply got confused. But
Jones insists that Todd Bunting doesn't look anything like John Doe
No. 2. Furthermore, he says, Bunting and McVeigh were there on
different

days. "And perhaps most deadly to that rediculous argument," Jones
said, "is the fact that Vicki Beemer, who actually handled that
transaction, is a good friend of the man Todd Bunting was with,
Robert Hurtig. Clearly, Vicki Beemer would be expected to remember
that Bunting was there on Tuesday with her friend, and not on Monday
... but, they (prosecutors) had to take care of the John Doe 2
argument some way." According to Jones, government prosecutors had
to do away with the idea of a conspiracy the moment they cut a deal
with their two key witnesses,

Michael and Lori Fortier, the couple from Kingman, Ariz., who
testified that McVeigh had talked to them about his plans to build
the bomb. "How much more central to the conspiracy can you be, than
to be Lori Fortier and manufacture a fake ID for Robert Kling (the
alias McVeigh used to rent the truck on April 15, 1995)," Jones
asked rhetorically. The problem was, the government had no case
against Lori Fortier, except

her own statement. There wasn't even enough evidence to indict her.
Michael Fortier, however, had made some "careless statements" to
investigators, Jones said, but while there may have been enough
evidence

to indict him, they could never have gotten a conviction.

Still, Jones said, the president and the Attorney General had
promised the American people to seek the death penalty against all
the conspirators. So, Jones contends, the government had to
"reinvent history." There was no conspiracy beyond McVeigh and
Nichols. There was no John Doe No. 2. There was no involvement by
any Michigan-based militia unit with which McVeigh was known to be
associated. There was only Nichols and McVeigh. It was a prosecution
theory that Jones says is impossible to believe. For one thing, he
said, it would be physically impossible for McVeigh to

build the truck bomb single-handedly, as the government claimed,
without

passing out and dying from the noxious fumes eminating from the tons
of ammonia nitrate fertilizer and fuel oil that was used to make the
bomb. For another thing, Jones insisted, there were too many other
people closely associated with Nichols and McVeigh who were known to
be involved in planning the bombing. Besides the Fortiers, Jones
said, one of the other conspirators was Terry Nichols' brother
James, who still lived on the Nichols family farm

outside Decker, Mich. James Nichols had actually been indicted by a
separate grand jury in Michigan in 1995 as a co-conspirator with
Terry Nichols and McVeigh in the building and detonation of homemade
bombs. That indictment dated the conspiracy from 1988 through April
21, 1995. Furthermore, when McVeigh was arrested by Oklahoma Highway
Patrol troopers about an hour after the bombing, he gave his address
as the Nichols family farm in Michigan. Then there was John Doe No.
2, bringing the total number of conspirators

to at least six, Jones said. And there was a possible seventh person
who

was seen accompanying Nichols in October 1994 to buy ammonium
nitrate fertilizer from a co-op in McPherson, Kan. Finally, Jones
said, there was the person who may or may not have been with McVeigh
when the bomb was actually set off. One survivor of the blast
reported seeing McVeigh pull up to the front of the federal building
in the Ryder rental truck, accompanied by a second man, who may

or may not have fit the description of John Doe No. 2. According to
medical records, a human leg was pulled from the rubble of the blast
that could not be matched to any of the known victims. In his book,
Jones also makes the assertion -- although the evidence is far from
compelling -- that Terry Nichols played a much more central role in
the conspiracy, with help from people with connections to Middle

East terrorist groups. Nichols' wife was a native of the
Phillipines, and both the government and defense team investigated a
number of trips Nichols made to the South Pacific in the early
1990s. At one point, Jones' investigators claimed to have
interviewed a man who

attended a meeting in the Phillipines between representatives of the
"Palestine Liberation Army" and a mysterious figure known as "the
Farmer." The witness, Edwin Angeles, even drew a sketch of the
farmer, a

sketch that Jones said bore a striking resemblance to Nichols,
although others on the defense team were not as sure. Angeles
identified three other people who attended that meeting: Abdul Hakim
Murad, Abdul Basit (a.k.a. Ramzi Yousef), and one Wali Khan Amin
Shah. The subject of the meeting was terrorism, Angeles told the
investigator. Murad, Yousef and Khan were all later tried and
convicted in the U.S. in

1996 in connection with a plot to blow up twelve U.S. jetliners. On
the day of the bombing, Jones writes, Murad, who was already in
custody in New York, told a grand jury that the Oklahoma City
bombing was the work of the "Liberation Army of the Philippines."
Angeles, however, said the man had misspoken, and meant to say the
"Palestine Liberation Army," in cooperation with Islamic Jihad. The
story, of course, is unverifiable. By the time Angeles was
interviewed in October 1996, Terry Nichols' face had been on
magazine covers all around the world, and it would have been easy
for anyone to make a sketch and claim to have seen him. Connecting
Nichols with the Philippines is also an easy pill to swallow because
Nichols' wife was from there. But there is something even more
appealing about the idea of an international conspiracy, and it's
something Jones alludes to throughout

his book. Over the last 30 years, Americans have