
Give Me Liberty
Do You Miss Our Constitution?

No previous American law has been as subversive as the
Military Commissions Act of 2006
by Nat Hentoff
"We cannot allow this [Military Commissions] Act to stand.
It violates some of the most basic principles upon which
human rights are founded. And we must not rest until it is
no longer the law of the land in our country. "
– Amnesty International, February 2007
Ours is the oldest constitution in the world, and for more
than 200 years it has survived many grave assaults from one
or more of our three branches of government. For example, in
1798, only seven years after the First Amendment was
included in the Constitution, Americans, under the Alien and
Sedition Acts, were put in prison for holding the president
up to ridicule.
The Bush administration has cumulatively done more profound
damage to our founding document than any previous
administration. And because the president has placed John
Roberts and Samuel Alito on the Supreme Court, it may be
years before we regain some of our privacy rights under the
Fourth Amendment—and other of our suspended liberties.
But Bush's most wide-ranging assault on who we are as
Americans is the Military Commissions Act of 2006, which he
signed on October 17, 2006. As I have detailed in previous
columns, this law—rushed through by the
then-Republican-controlled Congress—annuls two previous
Supreme Court decisions on our treatment of prisoners
suspected of terrorism. It so expands the definition of
"unlawful enemy combatants" (a Bush term unknown in
international law) that it can also imprison longtime legal
immigrants here—and American citizens—as "enemy combatants"
without charge.
Only the president decides who can be held as an "unlawful
enemy combatant"—and he is also in charge of the
"alternative" interrogation techniques that can be used to
extract evidence from them.
Moreover, the MCA prevents the use of the Geneva Conventions
against any American interrogators or other personne.
However, there are in our laws specific references to the
Geneva Conventions—which the MCA now violate.
In Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (June 2006), the Supreme Court ordered
the president to adhere to these very Geneva Conventions (of
which we are a signatory) with regard to all our
prisoners—including "unlawful enemy combatants." All
sentences against them, ordered the Court, must be handed
down by a "regularly constituted" U.S. court that "provides
all the judicial guarantees recognized as indispensable by
civilized peoples."
Congress overturned that Supreme Court ruling in the
Military Commissions Act. And on February 20, the District
of Columbia Court of Appeals upheld the section of the Act
that strips all prisoners at Guantanamo of any habeas corpus
access to our courts. They will be tried only by military
tribunal, which will not permit them to see any classified
evidence against them or contest evidence obtained just by
hearsay. Nor can they confront the primary witnesses against
them.
In her dissent to that D.C. Circuit Court decision (Lakhdar
Boumediene, et. al. v. George W. Bush, et. al.), Judge
Judith Rogers also pointed to the new law's permitting of
"coercive interrogation" of detainees (which often turns out
to be a euphemism for torture). But the common law, wrote
Judge Rogers, "has regarded torture and its fruits with
abhorrence for over 500 years."
However, we Americans have descended even farther from being
"a civilized nation" in sections of the MCA described on
findlaw.com by Joanne Mariner, Human Rights Watch's
invaluable director of their Terrorism and Counterterrorism
Program. Reading this, you may get a horrifying sense, as I
have, of how deeply this administration has desecrated the
core of our justice system: due process (fundamental
fairness).
Keep in mind, as Mariner adds, that the MCA also allows the
CIA to continue its "renditions" (kidnapping suspects to be
tortured in other countries) and permits the agency to
resume operating its own secret prisons ("black sites")
around the world.
"The MCA," Mariner writes about prison treatment, "contains
several provisions that are meant to bar the public [We the
People] from ever hearing direct testimony about the CIA's
abusive methods. These provisions allow the government to
protect the 'sources, methods or activities by which the
United States acquired evidence' if these practices are
classified." Characteristically, the Bush administration
insists "that all 'alternative' interrogation procedures are
classified"—including "coercive" methods. (Emphasis added.)
Prisoners who have been tortured—and pressured not to reveal
these classified "alternative" practices used on them—will,
however, want to tell their lawyers. However, Mariner
continues, the attorneys won't be able to report to the
outside world any of these "classified" abuses, including
the torture that their clients have told them about.
Prisoners' lawyers "must turn over all their notes and
documents," Mariner reports, "before they leave Guantanamo,
and they can only speak about the information they have
obtained from their clients after it undergoes
classification review."
Therefore, none of us will know how the "evidence" used
against these prisoners was extracted.
The president often declaims about the "American values"
that we are defending—and which will hopefully inspire other
nations. On his watch, as the MCA shows, this is what these
values have become!
Rather than wait to find out whether a majority of the John
Roberts Supreme Court will agree that these are indeed the
values to which we must resort to prevail over the
terrorists, some members of Congress are working on bills to
truly Americanize the Military Commissions Act. Next week:
What their changes involve. One of the proposed bills,
introduced by Senator Christopher Dodd of Connecticut,
couldn't be more aptly titled: "Restoring the Constitution
Act of 2007."
Meanwhile, Amnesty International is so justifiably alarmed
by the Military Commissions Act that "Amnesty International
groups in Great Britain, Germany, Australia, and Japan are
mobilizing their members and governments to help create
global pressure to reverse the MCA and end other human
rights abuses, including shutting down Guantanamo Bay."
Amnesty International is also, of course, mobilizing its
members in this country. You don't have to be a member to
write—or otherwise urgently contact your representatives and
senators. New Yorkers might start with Senators Clinton and
Schumer, neither of whom are in the forefront of this
legislation to bring back what we used to stand for around
the world.
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