SO HOW MANY JOURNALISTS ARE ACTUALLY AGENTS OF THE STATE, OR
WORKING FOR AGENTS OF THE STATE? WE CAN THINK OF SEVERAL
VERY LIKELY CANDIDATES - AND NOT JUST IN THE RIGHT-WING
MEDIA.
GUEST MEDIA ALERT: HACKS AND SPOOKS - March 3, 2006 - By
Richard Keeble - Introduction
We feel incredibly fortunate to have Richard Keeble,
Professor of Journalism at the University of Lincoln, as an
occasional blogger at Media Lens (
http://www.medialens.org/weblog/)
alongside Sharon Beder, Mark Curtis, David Miller and the
Media Lens editors. Richard's posts are always tremendous,
but his latest submission, below, is so important and
interesting that we feel it merits a much wider audience.
SO HOW MANY JOURNALISTS ARE ACTUALLY AGENTS OF THE STATE, OR
WORKING FOR AGENTS OF THE STATE? WE CAN THINK OF SEVERAL
VERY LIKELY CANDIDATES - AND NOT JUST IN THE RIGHT-WING
MEDIA.
Best wishes, The Editors - MEDIA LENS: Correcting for the
distorted vision of the corporate media.
Hacks And Spooks - Close Encounters Of A Strange Kind
And so to Nottingham University (on Sunday 26 February) for
a well-attended conference organised by the city's Student
Peace Movement. And what a great event it turns out to be!
Lots of excellent speakers - including author and peace
activist, Milan Rai, Alan Simpson MP, Dr Meryl Aldridge, of
Nottingham University, and a representative of Notts
Indymedia. And there's lots of excellent, lively and
constructive discussions.
I focus in my talk on the links between journalists and the
intelligence services:
While it might be difficult to identify precisely the impact
of the spooks (variously represented in the press as
„intelligence'', „security'', „Whitehall'' or „Home Office''
sources) on mainstream politics and media, from the limited
evidence it looks to be enormous.
As Roy Greenslade, media specialist at the Telegraph
(formerly the Guardian), commented: "Most tabloid newspapers
- or even newspapers in general - are playthings of MI5."
Bloch and Fitzgerald, in their examination of covert UK
warfare, report the editor of „one of Britain‚s most
distinguished journals'' as believing that more than half
its foreign correspondents were on the MI6 payroll. And in
1991, Richard Norton-Taylor revealed in the Guardian that
500 prominent Britons paid by the CIA and the now defunct
Bank of Commerce and Credit International, included 90
journalists.
In their analysis of the contemporary secret state, Dorril
and Ramsay gave the media a crucial role. The heart of the
secret state they identified as the security services, the
cabinet office and upper echelons of the Home and
Commonwealth Offices, the armed forces and Ministry of
Defence, the nuclear power industry and its satellite
ministries together a network of senior civil servants. As
„satellites'' of the secret state, their list included
„agents of influence in the media, ranging from actual
agents of the security services, conduits of official leaks,
to senior journalists merely lusting after official praise
and, perhaps, a knighthood at the end of their career''.
PHILLIP KNIGHTLEY, AUTHOR OF A SEMINAL HISTORY OF THE
INTELLIGENCE SERVICES, HAS EVEN CLAIMED THAT AT LEAST ONE
INTELLIGENCE AGENT IS WORKING ON EVERY FLEET STREET
NEWSPAPER.
A brief history
Going as far back as 1945, George Orwell no less became a
war correspondent for the Observer - probably as a cover for
intelligence work. Significantly most of the men he met in
Paris on his assignment, Freddie Ayer, Malcolm Muggeridge,
Ernest Hemingway were either working for the intelligence
services or had close links to them. Stephen Dorril, in his
seminal history of MI6, reports that Orwell attended a
meeting in Paris of resistance fighters on behalf of David
Astor, his editor at the Observer and leader of the
intelligence service‚s unit liasing with the French
resistance.
The release of Public Record Office documents in 1995 about
some of the operations of the MI6-financed propaganda unit,
the Information Research Department of the Foreign Office,
threw light on this secret body - which even Orwell aided by
sending them a list of „crypto-communists''. Set up by the
Labour government in 1948, it „ran'' dozens of Fleet Street
journalists and a vast array of news agencies across the
globe until it was closed down by Foreign Secretary David
Owen in 1977.
According to John Pilger in the anti-colonial struggles in
Kenya, Malaya and Cyprus, IRD was so successful that the
journalism served up as a record of those episodes was a
cocktail of the distorted and false in which the real aims
and often atrocious behaviour of the British intelligence
agencies was hidden. And spy novelist John le Carré, who
worked for MI6 between 1960 and 1964, has made the amazing
statement that the British secret service then controlled
large parts of the press ˆ just as they may do today
In 1975, following Senate hearings on the CIA, the reports
of the Senate‚s Church Committee and the House of
Representatives‚ Pike Committee highlighted the extent of
agency recruitment of both British and US journalists. And
sources revealed that half the foreign staff of a British
daily were on the MI6 payroll. David Leigh, in The Wilson
Plot, his seminal study of the way in which the secret
service smeared through the mainstream media and
destabilised the Government of Harold Wilson before his
sudden resignation in 1976, quotes an MI5 officer: „We have
somebody in every office in Fleet Street''.
LEAKER KING
And the most famous whistleblower of all, Peter (Spycatcher)
Wright, revealed that MI5 had agents in newspapers and
publishing companies whose main role was to warn them of any
forthcoming „embarrassing publications''. Wright also
disclosed that the Daily Mirror tycoon, Cecil King, „was a
longstanding agent of ours'' who „made it clear he would
publish anything MI5 might care to leak in his direction''.
Selective details about Wilson and his secretary, Marcia
Falkender, were leaked by the intelligence services to
sympathetic Fleet Street journalists. Wright comments: „No
wonder Wilson was later to claim that he was the victim of a
plot'' King was also closely involved in a scheme in 1968 to
oust Prime Minister Harold Wilson and replace him with a
coalition headed by Lord Mountbatten
Hugh Cudlipp, editorial director of the Mirror from 1952 to
1974, was also closely linked to intelligence, according to
Chris Horrie, in his recently published history of the
newspaper. David Walker, the Mirror‚s foreign correspondent
in the 1950s, was named as an MI6 agent following a security
scandal while another Mirror journalist, Stanley Bonnet,
admitted working for MI5 in the 1980s investigating the
Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.
MAXWELL AND MOSSAD
According to Stephen Dorril, intelligence gathering during
the miners‚ strike of 1984-85 was helped by the fact that
during the 1970s MI5‚s F Branch had made a special effort to
recruit industrial correspondents - with great success. In
1991, just before his mysterious death, Mirror proprietor
Robert Maxwell was accused by the US investigative
journalist Seymour Hersh of acting for Mossad, the Israeli
secret service, though Dorril suggests his links with MI6
were equally as strong.
Following the resignation from the Guardian of Richard Gott,
its literary editor in December 1994 in the wake of
allegations that he was a paid agent of the KGB, the role of
journalists as spies suddenly came under the media spotlight
- and many of the leaks were fascinating. For instance,
according to The Times editorial of 16 December 1994: „Many
British journalists benefited from CIA or MI6 largesse
during the Cold War.''
The intimate links between journalists and the secret
services were highlighted in the autobiography of the
eminent newscaster Sandy Gall. He reports without any qualms
how, after returning from one of his reporting assignments
to Afghanistan, he was asked to lunch by the head of MI6.
„It was very informal, the cook was off so we had cold meat
and salad with plenty of wine. He wanted to hear what I had
to say about the war in Afghanistan. I was flattered, of
course, and anxious to pass on what I could in terms of
first-hand knowledge.''
And in January 2001, the renegade MI6 officer, Richard
Tomlinson, claimed Dominic Lawson, the editor of the Sunday
Telegraph and son of the former Tory chancellor, Nigel
Lawson, provided journalistic cover for an MI6 officer on a
mission to the Baltic to handle and debrief a young Russian
diplomat who was spying for Britain. Lawson strongly denied
the allegations.
Similarly in the reporting of Northern Ireland, there have
been longstanding concerns over security service
disinformation. Susan McKay, Northern editor of the
Dublin-based Sunday Tribune, has criticised the reckless
reporting of material from „dodgy security services''. She
told a conference in Belfast in January 2003 organised by
the National Union of Journalists and the Northern Ireland
Human Rights Commission: „We need to be suspicious when
people are so ready to provide information and that we are,
in fact, not being used.'' (
http://www.nuj.org.uk/inner.php?docid=635)
GROWING POWER OF SECRET STATE
Thus from this evidence alone it is clear there has been a
long history of links between hacks and spooks in both the
UK and US. But as the secret state grows in power, through
massive resourcing, through a whole raft of legislation ˆ
such as the Official Secrets Act, the anti-terrorism
legislation, the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act and
so on ˆ and as intelligence moves into the heart of Blair‚s
ruling clique so these links are even more significant.
Since September 11 all of Fleet Street has been awash in
warnings by anonymous intelligence sources of terrorist
threats. According to former Labour minister Michael
Meacher, much of this disinformation was spread via
sympathetic journalists by the Rockingham cell within the
MoD. A parallel exercise, through the office of Special
Plans, was set up by Donald Rumsfeld in the US. Thus there
have been constant attempts to scare people - and justify
still greater powers for the national security apparatus.
Similarly the disinformation about Iraq‚s WMD was spread by
dodgy intelligence sources via gullible journalists. Thus,
to take just one example, Michael Evans, The Times defence
correspondent, reported on 29 November 2002: „Saddam Hussein
has ordered hundred of his officials to conceal weapons of
mass destruction components in their homes to evade the
prying eyes of the United Nations inspectors.'' The source
of these „revelations'' was said to be „intelligence picked
up from within Iraq''. Early in 2004, as the battle for
control of Iraq continued with mounting casualties on both
sides, it was revealed that many of the lies about Saddam
Hussein‚s supposed WMD had been fed to sympathetic
journalists in the US, Britain and Australia by the exile
group, the Iraqi National Congress.
SEXED UP - AND MISSED OUT
During the controversy that erupted following the end of the
„war'' and the death of the arms inspector Dr David Kelly
(and the ensuing Hutton inquiry) the spotlight fell on BBC
reporter Andrew Gilligan and the claim by one of his sources
that the government (in collusion with the intelligence
services) had „sexed up'' a dossier justifying an attack on
Iraq. The Hutton inquiry, its every twist and turn massively
covered in the mainstream media, was the archetypal media
spectacle that drew attention from the real issue: why did
the Bush and Blair governments invade Iraq in the face of
massive global opposition? But those facts will be forever
secret.
Significantly, too, the broader and more significant issue
of mainstream journalists‚ links with the intelligence
services was ignored by the inquiry.
Significantly, on 26 May 2004, the New York Times carried a
1,200-word editorial admitting it had been duped in its
coverage of WMD in the lead-up to the invasion by dubious
Iraqi defectors, informants and exiles (though it failed to
lay any blame on the US President: see Greenslade 2004).
Chief among The Times‚ dodgy informants was Ahmad Chalabi,
leader of the Iraqi National Congress and Pentagon favourite
before his Baghdad house was raided by US forces on 20 May.
Then, in the Observer of 30 May 2004, David Rose admitted he
had been the victim of a „calculated set-up'' devised to
foster the propaganda case for war. „In the 18 months before
the invasion of March 2003, I dealt regularly with Chalabi
and the INC and published stories based on interviews with
men they said were defectors from Saddam‚s regime.'' And he
concluded: „The information fog is thicker than in any
previous war, as I know now from bitter personal experience.
To any journalist being offered apparently sensational
disclosures, especially from an anonymous intelligence
source, I offer two words of advice: caveat emptor.''
Let's not forget NO British newspaper has followed the
example of the NYT and apologised for being so easily duped
by the intelligence services in the run up to the illegal
invasion of Iraq.
RICHARD KEEBLE
[andend] - Richard Keeble‚s publications include Secret
State, Silent Press: New Militarism, the Gulf and the Modern
Image of Warfare (John Libbey 1997) and The Newspapers
Handbook (Routledge, fourth edition, 2005). He is also the
editor of Ethical Space: The International Journal of
Communication Ethics. Richard is also a member of the War
and Media Network.
The first Media Lens book has been published: 'Guardians of
Power: The Myth Of The Liberal Media' by David Edwards and
David Cromwell (Pluto Books, London, 2006). For further
details, please click here:
http://www.medialens.org/bookshop/guardians_of_power.php
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