Something's Rotten in Dubai: The Ports Deal, The President's
Bro, Homeland Non-Security & ICE
By Debbie Schlussel
Something's rotten in Dubai. And it's not just the deal to
control six of America's ports.
The approval of Dubai-owned DP World to run the ports has
brought out a lot of security issues that should have been
raised at least 4.5 years ago, after 9/11. But there are a lot
of issues associated with this that HAVEN'T come to light.
First, there's the President's refusal to re-examine the deal,
despite the fact that he admittedly didn't know about it until
the public furor. What you don't know is about the President's
brother, Neil Bush, and his ties to Dubai.
I'm not saying the President's brother had anything to do with
this absurd deal. He probably did not. But we don't know for
sure, and even the appearance of impropriety is unacceptable in
the War on Terror. Certainly, this is a huge conflict of
interest. Does President Bush really want to give Michael Moore
the grounds to make "Fahrenheit Ports 911"?
CLICK FULL STORY:
http://www.debbieschlussel.com/archives/2006/02/somethings_rott.html
NEIL BUSH AND DUBAI!!
Hey, Brother, Can You Spare a Million?
http://counterpunch.org/stclair04032004.html
How Neil Bush Succeeded in Business Without Really Trying
By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
Now, that ain't workin'
That's the way you do it
Get money for nothin'
And your chicks for free.
Dire Straits, Money for Nothing
His mother still calls him Neilsie. He refers to his dad, the
former president, as Gampy. Neil Bush may be the black sheep of
the Bush family, but his relatives have never let him down.
Whenever he's been mired in financial, legal or marital
imbroglios, someone in the Bush family entourage has always
reached out a helping hand and often that hand has slipped Neil
a fat check.
Neil Bush, the fourth child of George and Barbara, was long
thought to be the rising star of the family. He had the looks,
the convivial demeanor, middle-of-the-road politics and, despite
suffering from a severe case of dyslexia that made him the
laughing stock of St. Albans, the stuffy DC prep school that
groomed Al Gore, the brainpower. At least he seemed brighter
than Jeb or George Jr. And, most important of all, he was the
favorite son of Barbara Bush, the Agrippina of American
politics.
All those lofty political aspirations came to a fatal crash in
the fall of 1988, at the precise moment his father was poised to
ascend to the presidency, when the Silverado Savings and Loan
went belly up with Neil in the driver's seat.
In these days of multi-billion dollar financial crimes by the
likes of Enron, Tyco and WorldCom, the failure of a relatively
small Colorado thrift may not seem like much. But Silverado came
to symbolize the entire savings and loan debacle, which ended up
costing the government more than $150 billion in bail out money.
Many of these companies exploited the newly deregulated
financial markets to lavish unsecured loans to company insiders
or political favorites and rewarded company officers and
directors with ostentatious salaries and benefits. When the
thrifts collapsed, the directors and executives walked away
unscathed, while small investors and account-holders were left
out in the cold. Appropriately, the looting of the savings and
loans hit Texas harder than most other states.
At the time, Neil Bush claimed that he was being made a
political scapegoat for Silverado's troubles. He said he was
only a bit player in the S&L with no real decision making power,
a figurehead and little more. Of course, there was some truth to
this. But Neil Bush was not an entirely passive director.
Indeed, he used his position as director to steer unsecured
loans to his business partners, including at least one project,
a scheme to drill for oil in Argentina, in which he had a direct
financial stake.
The US Office of Thrift Supervision, which scrutinized the
implosion of Silverado, determined that Bush had engaged in
numerous "breaches of his fiduciary duties involving multiple
conflicts of interest." A couple of years later, Bush and his
cohorts in Silverado settled a $200 million civil suit brought
by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation for $49.5 million
dollars. The FDIC had charged the executives and directors of
Silverado with gross negligence. Bush forked out $50,000 of his
own cash for his part of the settlement, with most of the money
coming from insurance companies.
It wasn't supposed to be this way. Bush had moved to Denver in
1980 with his new bride, Sharon. He was to set up a base of
political operations in the Rocky Mountain state, with his eyes
on the governor's mansion or a senate seat. But first there was
a fortune to be made.
In 1983, Neil started an oil company, naturally, called JNB
Exploration. The seed money for the opeation came in the amount
of $150,000 from a Colorado real estate mogul named Bill
Walters, the self-proclaimed Donald Trump of Denver. Another
early investor in JNB was Walter's friend Ken Goode, another
real estate baron, who arranged $1.75 in million credit for
Bush's company from a bank controlled by Walters. For his part,
Neil Bush kicked in $100 to the JNB Exploration kitty.
It wasn't long before JNB began to list. A bail out was arranged
with money coming from Silverado Savings and Loan, where Bush
now served as a director.
Meanwhile, Bush continued to receive favors from Ken Goode. In
the mid-1980s, Goode gave Bush $100,000 in investment funds,
chips to play with in the stock market. Bush ended up losing all
the money, but never paid a cent back to Goode.
Bush did, however, steer millions in Silverado loans Goode's
way. In 1986, Bush prevailed upon the Silverado board to approve
more than $34 million in loans and credit to Walters and Goode,
unsecured by anything other than Bush's word.
Neil also urged the board to loan another of Goode's companies,
Goode International, $900,000 to finance an oil drilling
operation in Argentina. In his pliant letter to the board, Neil
conveniently elided the fact that he was a silent partner in
this deal. Indeed, the Argentina oil scheme was his idea,
predicated on familial ties to the corrupt of junta of generals
then clutching the country in a murderous grip. Silverado was a
pyramid scheme of financial self-dealing.
After Silverado crashed, Neil briefly became the poster boy for
the S&L crisis. He was mercilessly mocked by the great Texas
populist Henry Gonzales, during his hearings on the S&L scandal.
Neil Bush's political ambitions were mortally punctured, but his
business career was just starting to take off. After all, his
father was now president and there was a global network of
connections to exploit.
In 1989, a few months after the expiration of Silverado, Neil
was offered the chance to run another company that had been
created just for him, Apex Energy. The $2.3 million in start up
funds came courtesy of Bush family confident Louis Marx, heir to
the Marx toy fortune. Bush pulled down $150,000 a year as CEO.
Within two years, Apex Energy took a nosedive into bankruptcy.
But Neil Bush moved on, this time to TransMedia Communications,
a cable TV venture headed by Bill Daniel, a longtime funder of
Neil's father's political campaigns, who had been lobbying
furiously for the deregulation of the telecommunications
industry. For his services, Neil was remunerated to the tune of
$60,000 per year, even though TransMedia's president, Dick
Barnes, later admitted that the younger Bush knew nothing about
the cable business.
It was around this time that Neil struck up a friendship with
Nigal Fares, son of Issam Fares, then deputy Prime Minister of
Lebanon and another longtime friend of the Bush family. Fares
hired Neil to negotiate global deals involving the sale of
covers for oil storage tankers. This partnership inaugurated
Neil's lucrative ventures in the Middle East, leading to
fruitful relationships with oil sheiks from Qatar to Dubai,
Kuwait to Saudi Arabia.
But Neil didn't just dabble in oil. He also looked for
opportunities to cash in on the new opportunities in the booming
markets of Asia. In 1994, he started a company called InterLink
with Tom Bridewater, a Utah tycoon and rightwing politician. The
plan called for Neil to act as an intermediary to help grease
deals between US and Asian companies. According to his recent
divorce settlement, Neil earned from $180,000 to more than a $1
million a year from InterLink alone. In fact, it is alleged that
Neil was paid $1 million to arrange a private meeting in New
York City with Taiwan's president Chen Shui-bian. The charge was
leveled by James Soong, leader of Taiwan's opposition party.
Bush admitted to meeting Chen, but denied that he received any
money from the Taiwanese leader. Meetings between officials of
the US and Taiwanese governments have been prohibited since
1979, when the US normalized relations with Beijing.
The windfalls kept coming his way. On July 19, 1999, Neil
experienced one of his greatest triumphs. He made $171,000 in a
single day by buying and selling shares of the Kopin
Corporation, a display panel company, which on that very
afternoon announced a surprise deal with Japanese electronics
giant, JVC, causing the stock to soar. While Neil denies
profiting from any insider knowledge, the exquisitely timed
transaction has all the hallmarks of a Martha Stewart-style deal
in reverse. Instead of stemming losses, Neil Bush made a quick
killing. Kopin had been one of Interlink's early clients and
Neil had recently arranged a deal where Telecom Holdings, a Hong
Kong company, invested $27 million in Kopin. As a reward, Neil
received stock options in the newly beefed up firm. It was
merely a coincidence, Neil told the Associated Press earlier
this year, that he exercised those options on that July morning
and sold them later in the same afternoon, following the
momentous JVC deal. Just another fortuitous coincidence.
Neil Bush's escapades across Asia came to the attention of the
Grace Semiconductor Management Company, which recruited Bush
onto its board of directors. Despite the fact that Neil admitted
he knows nothing about semiconductors, the Chinese company
recompensed Bush with $2 million in stock and $10,000 per board
meeting. Grace is controlled by Taiwanese tycoon Winston Wong
and Jiang Mianheng, son of Jiang Zemin, former president of
China.
Another of Neil's rich friends is Jamal Daniel, a
Syrian-American multimillionaire. When Neil and Sharon griped
that their family didn't get to spend very much time in
Kennebunkport, Daniel shelled out $380,000 to buy them a cottage
next to the Bush compound.
Jamal Daniel also put Bush on retainer for his Crest Investment
firm, paying him $60,000 a year to help broker deals in the
Middle East. One of Daniel's most recent ventures is New Bridge
Strategies, a kind of financial influence peddling outfit whose
main endeavor these days is to help companies win contracts for
the reconstruction of Iraq. What one brother destroys, another
rebuilds.
In May of 2002, Neil Bush found himself alone in his hotel room
in Dubai, where he was trying to secure financing for his new
company Ignite! Learning, an educational software company geared
to exploit his brother's No Child Left Behind education
strategy. Neil sat before his laptop computer and pounded out a
long email to his wife of 23 years, informing her that he wanted
a divorce. Oddly, given his track record financial coups, Neil's
ungentlemanly missive wallows in concerns about the family's
frail bank account.
"Your comments at our pool-side dinner with the kids that you
and I should race to see who could make a million dollars
faster, your belief expressed in different ways that I have not
made enough money, your belief that it was easy to make money,
and that Jamal Daniel's plotting or Dad's influence will be the
magic answer to our financial woes all cause me consternation
and reflect the bitterness and anger that has come from the
loneliness you described Friday," Neil wrote. "It is very clear
that we are failing to meet each other's core needs. We're
almost out of money and I've lost my patience for being compared
to my brothers, for being put down for my inability to make
money, and tired of not being loved. I'm sure you have felt
abandoned and a deep sense of loneliness."
Of course, in his e-confessional Neil Bush didn't feel compelled
to come clean about the sexcapades with the Asian hookers or
reveal the fact that he'd fallen in love with Maria Anderson,
the wife of Houston oil baron, Robert Andrews, a woman Sharon
Bush would later denounce in public as "Neil's Mexican whore."
At the very moment Neil hit the send button on this brutal
adieu, he was sending Maria breathlessly written love letters,
pining for the time when they would be both be freed from the
shackles of their marriages.
"My heart is breaking with solitude," Neil wrote his lover. "I
can't wait to be free to dedicate all of my passion to love you.
I hurt to have you in my arms, to make love with you and be a
part of your life." Yet another testimonial to Bush family
values.
According to Neil, the two met in 2001 when Maria was working as
a volunteer in Barbara Bush's office, but things didn't start to
get amorous between them until January of 2002 when they found
themselves together at a Houston fundraiser for Jeb Bush. A few
weeks later Neil showed up at the Andrews's $4 million mansion,
known to the neighbors as Swankienda. He came on a mission to
raise money for his new project, Ignite! Robert Andrews was an
oil tycoon who had made his millions largely through a fruitful
alliance with one of Mexico's most notorious moguls, Carlos
"Slim" Helu, the billionaire who controls the Grupo Carso
conglomerate that includes TelMex.
That spring day, Neil walked away with $100,000 from Robert
Andrews for his company and a new companion. As his mother said,
Neil's quite the smooth talker. A few weeks later, Maria and
Neil absconded to Mexico together, ostensibly to search out new
investors for Ignite! They returned with a lucrative production
deal courtesy of Slim Helu and a pledge to seek divorces from
their respective spouses. Neil soon fired off his parting email
to Sharon and, upon returning to Texas from Dubai, moved into a
Houston apartment owned by his Syrian business partner, Nijad
Fares. In a harmonious display of their new fidelity, Neil and
Maria filed for divorce on the same day, August 26, 2002.
When Sharon Bush learned of the affair with Maria Andrews, she
launched a pre-emptive battery that would have impressed the
Iraq war planners. First, she announced plans to write a tell
all book about the Bush clan, hinting darkly about revealing the
truth of the Silverado scandal and George W. Bush's boozing and
carousing. Then she let slip the fact that she had been spilling
family secrets to Kitty Kelly, who has been desperately trying
to complete her exposé of the Bush family before the 2004
elections.
Then Sharon turned her sights on her rival, the vivacious Maria
Andrews. She infamously confronted the couple at a Houston
smoothie shop where Maria and Neil were dining together and
called her Neil's "Mexican whore." Then she made allegations
that Neil and Maria had been sleeping together for several years
and that Maria's youngest child had not fathered by Robert
Andrews but by Neil. Andrews struck back with an $850,000 libel
suit, but Sharon won the first round when a Texas judge approved
her demand for DNA samples from Andrews and the child. And so it
goes.
The Neil v. Sharon Bush divorce papers provide the most
titillating bedtable reading since the footnotes of the Starr
Report. For example, the divorce depositions detail Neil's
dalliances with prostitutes in Asia. While Neil was doing
Interlink business in Thailand and Hong Kong, he enjoyed the
exotic experience of hearing an urgent knocking on his hotel
room door. Upon opening the door, Neil was confronted by a
beautiful young woman who said she wanted to have sex with him.
On at least three difference occasions, Neil accepted the
hospitality of his h