Craig RobertsOSWALD AND DEALEY PLAZA VS. McVEIGH AND THE OKC BOMBINGThu Feb 17, 2005 20:14126.96.36.199
OSWALD AND DEALEY PLAZA VS. McVEIGH AND THE OKC BOMBING
February 17, 2005
It was as if I'd seen it before. It was like history repeating itself, but his time I was there to witness what I'd only read about. It was the crime of the century, and I was one of the investigators. But as I worked the case I could see that too many things were falling into place that eerily reminded me of what, prior to April 19th, 1995, was considered "the Crime of the Century", the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
I had a distinct advantage over the other investigators. I had spent four years immersed in an investigation into the Kennedy assassination, resulting in my book "Kill Zone: A Sniper Looks at Dealey Plaza." In researching the facts surrounding the Kennedy murder, and the Warren Commission's assertion that a lone nut with a gun named Lee Harvey Oswald was responsible, I had delved into Oswald and the mysteries surrounding him prior to November 22, 1963. Now, as one of the assigned investigators of the Oklahoma City bombing, I began to witness a series of events transpire that so closely matched the events in Dallas that it was chilling. I could almost tell what would happen next on a day-by-day basis. Beside the entire "investigation" turning into a massive and blatant coverup before my eyes, I noticed that the two "lone nuts," McVeigh and Oswald, seemed to have a lot in common. So much so, that one could draw the conclusion that OKBOMB was an off-the-shelf operation that was taken from a blue print first drawn up in Dallas 32 years before--or maybe even earlier at a building in Germany called the Reichstag.
Let's examine the "coincidences."
Around 9:00 a.m. Oklahoma time on 19 April, 1995, a huge explosion rocked the downtown area of Oklahoma City. Within minutes, during the evacuation of what remained of the building, searching for casualties, arrival of police, fire and rescue personnel, and mass confusion, two more "devices" were found inside the building. Bomb squad personnel had to deactivate at least one of the devices and remove them from the area for safety. Within the hour the media stated that they were "ATF training devices, not actual bombs." If this were so, why were they placed in strategic locations inside the building, on floors away from the ATF offices?
In Dealey Plaza, a scenario quickly developed wherein a lone shooter, from the 6th floor of the Texas Schoolbook Depository, allegedly fired three shots which amazingly created over a half dozen wounds (including one missed shot) and escaped the scene undetected. Later investigation showed that only two empty 6.5mm shell casings were found on the 6th Floor and turned in, along with a rifle and one live round. Yet these documents were altered during the Warren Commission hearings to reflect three empty cartridges to fit the "Magic Bullet" theory.
Oklahoma City: Two seismic events transpired according to the University of Oklahoma Seismic Center. The tape, which actually shows three equal events, is quickly debunked by the government as being "the initial explosion, followed by the building collapsing" (ignoring the first event entirely). Yet, when the entire remaining building was demolished by controlled demolition, the event recorded on tape was barely noticeable. Still, the investigators insist that only one bomb was used: the Ryder truck bomb allegedly delivered by McVeigh.
Within twenty-four hours the Ryder truck grows from a small van to the largest box-truck in Ryder inventory to contain the ever growing amount of ammonium-nitrate explosives required to create the damage done to the building. Yet, according to sources outside the government, very little indication of nitrate deposits at the scene are found—indicating a different type of explosive.
In Dallas, following the ambush of JFK, damage control seemed to begin immediately with the focus of attention being directed away from the Grassy Knoll to the Book Depository building—and a shooter on the sixth floor. In OKC, the first two leads indicate that two "middle-eastern males" were seen hanging around the scene and were probably involved; and an all points bulletin was broadcast by OKC Police Department to search for a brown pickup truck with a smoked-plastic bug shield. Within a few hours, the FBI cancelled both leads—and told the police that they had not issued an "attempt to locate" on the pickup truck. But the OKC PD had the original release from the FBI asking for the APB, and it had been duly noted in their radio logs.
McVeigh is picked up for speeding, in a car with no license tag, for doing 85 mph, by the Oklahoma Highway Patrol. Oswald was picked up, for allegedly shooting Dallas officer J.D. Tippit, after entering the Texas Theater without buying a ticket. In each case, the FBI was notified within a short period of time that a "suspect" was in custody. In Oswald's case, items "linking" him to the Kennedy assassination were "found" in various locations: photos of him with a Carcano, a Mannlicher-Carcano found on the 6th floor, etc. For McVeigh, copies of "subversive material," such as a small-press radical book titled "The Turner Diaries" is found in his car. For Oswald, the Carcano was traced to him by the FBI, who, before the advent of computers and data bases, managed to track the weapon from its entrance into the U.S., to an importer, to Klein's Sporting Goods, to a sale to "A.J. Hidell," to Lee Harvey Oswald. All in two days. Over a weekend!
For McVeigh, the rear axle (differential?) of the Ryder truck was discovered, wherein an ID number was allegedly discovered, which was supposedly traced from the manufacturer, to Ryder, to a truck rental in Kansas—all within hours. Interviews with the rental agent produced two sketches: McVeigh and John Doe #2. The media did not report that a third person was present, who waited outside in a car, and who appeared to be dark complected. And John Doe #2, as a lead, evaporated when the FBI stated that there was a mistake, and that he was a soldier from Fort Riley who rented a truck the previous day, and was not involved with McVeigh. But media outside of Oklahoma did not report that another John Doe #2 was discovered by KFOR TV in Oklahoma City, and that he matched the suspect sketch; was seen by six eye witnesses in a bar with McVeigh and Nichols only days before the bombing; drove a brown Chevrolet pickup with smoked plastic bug screen; and was an Iraqi officer who had fought against us in the Gulf War! It also was not reported that over 5,000 Iraqi POWs had been brought into this country for "humanitarian reasons," and a large segment ended up being settled in Oklahoma City.
In Oswald's case, it is interesting to note that he had connections to the White Russian community of Dallas-Fort Worth, and that these people had been settled here by the OSS when Allen Dulles brought the SS Galizien Division out of Europe at the end of World War II, to Greece, then Canada, then New York City and Dallas/Fort Worth. The teenage children of the Galiziens were later utilized as CIA assets for infiltration into Russia—they spoke Russian and had relatives inside who might provide support after infiltration. (This makes one wonder about the Oswald who, during his time in the Marine Corps in Japan, "taught himself" Russian within a few weeks).
The investigation of the Kennedy assassination rapidly focused on the "lone nut" scenario. Witnesses who did not support this rapidly-building case against Oswald as the lone participant were intimidated, debunked or misquoted in reports. Most who saw something other than a man in the 6th floor window were not subpoenaed to testify before the Warren Commission. In McVeigh's case, anyone who brings forward information that there had to be more than one bomb, or that there were higher powers involved in the bombing, or more than just McVeigh and Nichols involved, is quickly debunked, discredited or ignored. For the OKC bombing, anyone who heard or felt more than one explosion or saw more than one person get out of the Ryder truck was discredited or not permitted to testify before the Grand Jury. In fact, no one was permitted to testify. All questions that were asked by the Jurists in one room, were asked through the Prosecutor, who then went out into another room to ask the witnesses, then he would return with the answer! (At least an answer that to me would have provoked suspicion in the fact that I did not hear the witness directly). Such actions infuriated Jurist Hoppy Heidelberg who eventually was dismissed from the Grand Jury because he objected to the way it was being run.
Within twenty-four hours of the bombing the mainstream media, en total, slanted the dagger of suspicion to "far right radicals," such as the burgeoning militia movement. In particular, the Michigan Militia was targeted as being "tied" to McVeigh. In actual fact, though two members of the Michigan Militia stated that they think they saw McVeigh at one of their open-to-the-public meetings, McVeigh himself says he never attended. Still, even if he was seen at a meeting, it could easily have been part of a setup to develop manufactured connections to a group already under scrutiny by certain bureaucrats.
For Oswald, a radical background (this time Left Wing) was built in the press long before Dallas. He was filmed handing out "Fair Play for Cuba" pamphlets on a New Orleans street corner, and was interviewed on television wherein he declared himself a "Marxist" for public consumption. The media has maintained ever since that Oswald was a Marxist by his own admission, and killed Kennedy for radical political reasons. For McVeigh's "legend"--the term used in the intelligence community when one play-acts a bogus background for public consumption--it was handing out The Turner Diaries to fellow employees at CalSpan Incorporated in Buffalo, New York.
The media's attack on the militia—who had absolutely nothing to gain and everything to lose in the aftermath of the bombing—resulted in new "anti-terrorism" laws being ram-rodded through Congress in the wake of media-generated public emotion. These laws had been laying stagnant for months, having been written following the New York City Twin Towers bombing fo 1993, but delayed due to their conflict with Constitutional rights.
Interestingly, one major result of the Kennedy assassination was the "Firearms Control Act of 1968," which was the first major legislation regarding governmental control of citizens firearms since the 1930s where private ownership of automatic weapons had to be licensed by the federal government—another restriction on Constitutional rights.
Then there are the "Wild Goose Chases" of the national investigation. During the Kennedy investigation, hundreds of FBI agents were sent hither and yon to interview, question, and report on even the most obscure leads and "witnesses." The agents, all trying to do as sterling a job as possible, then sent their reports to FBI headquarters for screening and absorption. Few agents ever saw the "big picture," could compare notes, or even knew just why they were following up on a given "lead." The same happened with the OKC bombing investigation. Hundreds of agents have "followed up" on even the most obscure leads, but, like their predecessors who investigated the Kennedy assassination, they are left out of the grand scheme of things and are only privy to certain pieces of the puzzle. It is also interesting to note that the main question is not being answered concerning the motivation behind any crime: Who Benefits?
FBI agents who attempted to follow the money, and the powers, behind the murder of JFK were quickly redirected by Washington to other activities. The agents who smelled a large rodent with the Oklahoma City bombing (as in Who Benefits) found themselves subject to the same circumstances. It appears to once again be a system of directed investigation, ignoring or debunking of anything that does not fit the mold of a predetermined outcome ("A Patsy Gets The Blame"), and disassociation with the idea that higher powers are involved. After all, what agent wants to be re-assigned to Coldville, North Dakota?
The television coverage of the transfer of McVeigh from jail to the holding facility at Tinker Air Force Base, outside of Oklahoma City, was quite reminiscent of Oswald's transfer attempt from the Dallas PD jail to the county jail. The only difference was that there was no Jack Ruby to intervene. However, it should be noted that McVeigh was dressed in bright orange, and wore no bullet proof vest! It makes one wonder if an opportunity was not being presented by design.
Until the investigation begins to follow leads concerning "Who Benefits?" it is unlikely the Oklahoma City bombing case will ever progress to a full, believable, conclusion. If the case against McVeigh and Nichols, who the government maintains acted by themselves, was so iron clad, then we must ask ourselves why the government prosecutors had to ask for a ninety day extension on their investigation before attempting to present McVeigh for indictment before a federal Grand Jury. The FBI and Department of Justice still maintain the case is "ongoing" and that there are "others unknown," but in actual fact no one is working the case, and any new evidence that is presented is either refused or shunned. This also holds true in the JFK case, as the small group of dedicated JFK assassination researchers has discovered over and over when new material comes to light. No U.S. Attorney will touch it, or wants to even know of it. It muddy's the water, and is bothersome. After all, Oswald acted alone, didn't he?
In Oklahoma City, there's one more element to consider: the video tape. In 1963, Abraham Zapruder's film recorded the events that transpired in Dealey Plaza. It was seized by the FBI, obtained by Life magazine (who employed former OSS and CIA personnel such as senior editor Charles D. Jackson), and not released until much later. When it was released it had been altered. In Oklahoma City, the media reported that the camera on an automatic teller machine (or the Southwestern Bell building security camera, or a camera on the Regency Park apartment building a block west) recorded McVeigh parking the Ryder truck, then walking away from it to get into a vehicle to speed away. The federal authorities seized the tape for evidence.
Why have we not seen these tapes? If they were being kept secret until trial, then they should have been released after being exhibited in a court room. No tapes were produced, even though they were asked for by the defense. Now the trials are over. The question is: will we ever see them? If not, why not? Showing the videos will put the issue to rest concerning who, and how many, exited the Ryder truck.
Many other questions remain to be answered, as in the Kennedy investigation, but will probably never be breached. Questions such as: Was there an Iraqi connection? Were there actually two (or more) explosions? Were there two or more other bombs inside the building? Why did McVeigh's license tag "fall off" his car? Why was the APB on the brown pickup not followed up on, then later cancelled altogether and denied to exist by the FBI? Exactly what number was found on the truck axle that would identify the vehicle? Why have we not seen photographs of this number plate? Why was not John Doe #2, the Iraqi Republican Guard Division officer, not followed up in detail by the FBI? And why, after it was shown there was no connection, did the media continue to shift public attention to right wing groups ranging from the NRA to various militia organizations when those entities had the most to lose from such a tragic event?
Shortly after Oswald's arrest in Dallas he exclaimed: "So I'm the patsy!" One can only wonder if McVeigh and Nichols felt the same.
One last note to consider: The June 25, 1996 bombing of the Khobar Towers apartment building in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, which killed 23 Americans was briefly referred to by the media as "proof" that a truck bomb could do the damage to a building that the
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