What Went Wrong

NEWSWEEK
 

What Went Wrong


Tue Feb 3 14:08:33 2004
64.140.159.118


What Went Wrong
He was the most dangerous man alive, sitting atop a massive stockpile of deadly weapons. The only way to end the gathering threat was to take Saddam out—and fast. Only there wasn't any WMD. The fateful fictions that led to war

Holland / AP (bottom center); P.M. Monsivais /AP (right)
Key players in the WMD scandal are (clockwise from top center) Bush, Kay, Rumsfeld, Powell and Cheney (center)
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4123507/

Feb. 9 issue - Saddam Hussein was holed up in his palace putting the final touches on his latest novel. His first, "Zabibah and the King," had been published in 2000 to reviews that only a dictator could get. Everyone seemed to adore the story of a righteous Iraqi king who dies, but only after restoring the honor of the beautiful Zabibah. The woman had been raped—and here's where the tricky historical allusion comes in—on Jan. 17, the day that American troops launched their 1991 offensive to drive Iraq out of Kuwait. The Iraqi National Theater was planning to turn the novel into a hit musical, the country's biggest-ever stage production. So the despot now had his own big act to follow. His second masterpiece, called "Al-Qala-ah Al-Hasinah," or "The Fortified Castle," also concerned a fierce battle between good and evil—"without boring details," Iraqi television had reported.

No writer likes to be disturbed. But so much was going on at the time: the United Nations was demanding greater access to Saddam's palaces, George W. Bush had declared Iraq part of an "Axis of Evil," the United States was pushing for war. Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz, who routinely consulted Saddam about U.N. demands, found that his boss was often distracted by his latest literary effort. When the subject did turn to weapons, the dictator seemed dangerously out of touch. As early as 2000, Saddam became convinced there was a loophole in United Nations resolutions—that long-range missiles were proscribed only if they were loaded with weapons of mass destruction. All of Saddam's top aides knew better, but they were terrified of contradicting the dictator. The illegal missile program went ahead.

Saddam's rich fantasy life extended to another weapons program. David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group tasked with finding Iraq's WMD after the war, told NEWSWEEK that Saddam was obsessed with building a system that could shoot down U.S. stealth aircraft. He "kept handing out money," says Kay, to scientists and military officers who claimed to be developing new techniques for spotting stealth planes. Many of the schemes were Potemkin projects that existed largely in the imaginations of the officials promoting them. Saddam would give away new cars to the inventor with the most ingenious idea; the more elaborate the invention, the fancier the car. Scientists and officials involved in wacky programs shared payoffs or tacitly blackmailed one another to ensure their programs weren't exposed as empty shells.

Saddam's real masterwork—the edifice of fear that had ensured his power for decades—was decaying beneath him. An air of decadence and decline had spread among the elite, and small to middling officials were trying to take what they could for themselves. But nobody could tell the dictator, because virtually everyone was implicated.


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It seems that nobody told President Bush or his senior advisers, either. Saddam was more than just evil, according to their intelligence, he was also a master of control and deception. He had fooled U.N. inspectors for a decade. Now he had resumed production of chemical and biological weapons, and he was also trying to purchase parts for a nuclear-weapons program. Defectors were telling of labs hidden under Saddam's palaces. The 2002 National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq, which represented Washington's best available analysis, concluded that "Iraq has continued its weapons of mass destruction [WMD] programs in defiance of UN resolutions and restrictions," that it had "invested more heavily in biological weapons" and that "most analysts" believed that it was "reconstituting its nuclear weapons program." Even the French and Germans believed that Saddam had WMD.

"It turns out we were all wrong, probably, in my judgment," Kay stammered before the Senate Armed Services Committee last week. "And that is most disturbing." With perhaps 85 percent of the Survey Group's work done, Kay said it was likely that no WMD would be uncovered. His team did find evidence that Iraq was working to develop the poison ricin, and he warned of "unresolved ambiguity" about other Iraqi programs. Too much evidence had been destroyed and looted in the early days of the war, he said. But in Kay's mind, the absence of evidence should not obscure a larger fact: Iraq was a monumental intelligence failure.

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How did it happen? The United States spends more to run spy satellites and supersecret listening devices than the gross domestic products of many countries, yet it didn't have a clue as to what was really going on inside a sanctions-racked dictatorship it was about to attack? A new Senate Intelligence Committee report, lambasting the CIA for major "errors in judgment," suggests that America's mastery of high-tech gadgetry is part of the problem, and Kay thinks much the same. The United States has become so dependent on what it can detect from a distance that it no longer does the dirty, painstakingly slow business of gathering human intelligence well. But that is only part of the story.

Kay himself believes that in order to get the full picture, an independent panel needs to investigate. He was very careful not to blame the administration—there were no accusations of "sexing up" the intelligence. On the contrary, he absolved policymakers of any misjudgments, and said he still supported the war. (Britain's Tony Blair got a similar reprieve last week, when the much-anticipated Hutton report found him innocent of making a 2002 WMD assessment "more exciting.") But intelligence is never gathered or assessed in a political vacuum, and leading Democrats will be sure to demand that any investigation extend to the White House.

The clamor for heads to roll has already begun. Democratic hopeful John Kerry last week called for CIA Director George Tenet to be fired, and he was seconded by Sen. Bob Graham, who chaired the Senate Intelligence Committee in the run-up to the Iraq war. "If you're in the Navy and you're the captain of a ship that runs aground, you're responsible," Graham told NEWSWEEK. "I believe in the principle of accountability."

But the White House is, for now anyway, loath to scapegoat Tenet, a loyal soldier if ever there was one. (The CIA itself says its assessments were done with "professionalism and integrity," and believes WMD may still be found.) Nor did top officials immediately embrace the call for an independent commission. But with Bush insisting that he wanted "to know the facts," the seeming contradiction appeared untenable: NEWSWEEK learned late last week that the White House was moving toward endorsing the idea of a "presidential blue-ribbon panel" of elder statesmen and WMD experts. Officials had begun putting out feelers to possible chairs. Such an inquiry will have to examine, at least, whether direct or indirect pressure was placed on American spies to produce particular results. It will also have to examine the reluctance of spymasters to admit what they didn't know, and when they didn't know it.

Continued Pages 1 | 2 | 3

PART II:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4125720/

PART III:
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4125721/

Did the White House knowingly misrepresent intelligence on Iraq? * 26158 responses

No. The administration was misled, too
18%
Yes. Bush and Cheney knew the intelligence was wrong
76%
I don't know
6%
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4125721/#survey


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