Secretive Swiss trader links City to Iraq oil scam
uploaded 25 Sep 2005
The Sunday Times
http://www.khilafah.com/home/category.php?DocumentID=11831&TagID=2
Secretive Swiss trader links City to Iraq oil scam
By Peter Koenig
Special report: Next month’s UN report will drag
British-based miner Xstrata into the controversy over
surcharges paid to Saddam
THE oil tanker Artemis slipped its mooring in the
Turkish port of Ceyhan on November18 ,2000 , carrying100
m barrels of Iraqi crude under the United Nations
oil-for-food programme.
The tanker headed for America to sell the shipment at a
price pegged to West Texas crude.
It stopped off in Omisalj, a Croatian port on the island
of Krk and the oil was put in a storage facility owned
by the Croatian petroleum company INA. The diversion has
since become a matter of dispute between the UN and the
cargo’s owner, a Swiss commodities firm called Glencore.
The UN said Croatia was the final destination for the
shipment and asked Glencore to pay it pegged to European
rather than American prices. The difference was $3m and
Glencore UK, based in Mayfair, London, sent the UN a
cheque to cover that amount. Glencore said last week
that Croatia was never meant to be the oil’s final
destination. It said there was a misunderstanding due to
the UN’s fuzzy rules on Iraq oil-for-food shipments.
All this is of more than academic interest to the City.
Next month the UN will report on companies buying oil
from Saddam Hussein’s government. The odds are it will
mention Glencore. This will not only focus attention on
Glencore, but also drag the FTSE 100 mining company
Xstrata into the scandal, because Glencore controls40 %
of it.
In financial circles, Glencore is known for its success.
The company earned $1. 5billion (£845m) last year,
putting it on a par with the City’s largest hedge funds.
Glencore is also known as the company founded by Marc
Rich, the commodities trader who fled to Switzerland
from the US after being charged for embargo-busting in
Iran following the Khomeini revolution. Four years ago,
Rich was pardoned by President Bill Clinton on Clinton’s
last day in the White House.
Glencore has been named in connection with
irregularities in the oil-for-food programme by the CIA.
The US spy agency obtained a register of firms that
Iraq’s State Oil Marketing Organisation (Somo) said had
paid illegal surcharges on oil-for-food deals.
“According to Somo records, one of the most active
purchasers of Iraqi crude was a Swiss-based company
named Glencore,” the CIA noted. “It paid $3,222, 780in
illegal surcharges during the period of the programme.”
A CIA spokeswoman said last week that the agency had
come to no conclusion on the veracity of Somo records.
The company, for its part, said: “Glencore never paid
any surcharges or made any improper payments to Somo or
to any other branch of the Iraqi government, or to Iraqi
officials.”
New light may be shed next month, when UN investigators,
led by former US Federal Reserve Bank chairman Paul
Volcker, review Glencore and its activities in Iraq.
On September7 , the Volcker committee published the
first part of its report, criticising UN
secretary-general Kofi Annan for allowing the
oil-for-food programme to become corrupt.
As Saddam’s regime offered discounts from the official
price to the600 companies authorised to buy its crude,
it separately collected surcharges of up to 50 cents a
barrel on shipments.
The Volcker committee found that in the course of $
64billion in Iraqi oil-for-food sales “nearly one-third
of the surcharge payments were made by cash delivery to
various Iraqi embassies abroad”.
Last week Glencore said: “Along with other companies,
Glencore was contacted by the Independent Inquiry
Committee and fully co-operated with their
representatives. Glencore has no expectation one way or
the other as to whether it will be mentioned in the
report.”
XSTRATA said Glencore’s links to Iraq would have no
negative effect on it.
City analysts said Mick Davis, the Xstrata chief
executive appointed by Glencore, might see any problems
the Swiss firm encountered as an opportunity to seek a
reduction in Glencore’s stake in the UK miner.
Xstrata jealously guards its independence from Glencore.
The terms of the relationship between the two companies
are spelt out in a legally binding “relationship
agreement”. Glencore chairman Willy Strothotte is
Xstrata’s chairman.
Xstrata has the option of using the Swiss company as a
marketing agent.
But only three of the mining company’s12 -member board
are Glencore appointees. The non-execs, led by former
Legal & General investment boss David Rough, are known
for their tough-mindedness.
City analysts don’t think that news about Glencore in
Iraq next month will hit Xstrata’s share price.
The possibility of criticism of Glencore next month by
the Volcker committe “is obviously not good news for
Xstrata”, a City analyst said. “But people are more
focused on the impact of coal prices on Xstrata.”
When the City looks at the relationship between Glencore
and Xstrata overall, opinion divides. Dresdner Kleinwort
Benson mining analyst Simon Toyne said: “There is one
group of shareholders that says Glencore’s stake is a
risk.
“Glencore might sell its shares and the price would go
down. More than offsetting that are the investors who
see the Glencore stake as a benefit, because Xstrata can
market product through Glencore.”
RREV, a corporate-governance watchdog run by the
National Association of Pension Funds, and a US partner
raised questions about the relationship earlier this
year. RREV advised its clients to vote against the
re-election of Strothotte as Xstrata chairman.
Strothotte heads Xstrata’s remuneration committee, in
addition to being chairman. RREV opposes this dual role.
Whatever the impact of Glencore’s activities in Iraq,
the news about its involvement in the oil-for-food
scandal is focusing attention on it — and on its
relationship with Xstrata.
Glencore said the Swiss firm was unfairly targeted
because of the notoriety of its founder, Rich.
Glencore’s critics — including backbench Australian MPs
worried about its deals in Australia, and the American
magazine Business Week, which on July 18 published a
critical report on the world of Marc Rich — say that
Rich may be gone, but the culture he created at the
company isn’t.
RICH was born in Antwerp in 1934 and arrived in the US
at the age of eight when his family fled the Nazis.
In 1954 he joined Phillip Brothers and became the
protégé of the celebrated commodities trader Ludwig
Jesselson. In1973 , he struck out on his own.
Rich and colleagues, including Pincus “Pinky” Green —
known as the Admiral for his cleverness in chartering
ships — incorporated their company in Switzerland in1974
.
Rich’s penchant for doing business in murky parts of the
world backfired when in 1983 Rudolph Giuliani, then the
US attorney for the southern district of New York,
indicted him and his company for income-tax evasion and
sanction-busting in Iran.
Rich’s status as a fugitive threw up business problems.
He was banned from selling minerals to the US Mint. In
1992 American workers locked out of the Ravenswood
aluminium rolling mill on the Ohio River in West
Virginia — indirectly controlled by Glencore — staged a
demonstration outside the company’s headquarters,
upsetting the company’s well-heeled neighbours.
In June 1992 Strothotte, who started out in Germany as a
metals trader and joined Rich in1978 , left the company.
He returned in February1993 when Rich agreed to sell
down his majority51 % stake in Glencore.
Rich wanted to reduce his stake to15 % over five years.
Strothotte and colleagues wanted Rich gone completely,
and faster. Rich lost the power struggle.
Over the past 11 years Strothotte,61 , Australian chief
executive Ivan Glasenberg,48 , and UK chief Daniel
Dreyfuss,50 , have built Glencore into one of the
largest private companies in the world.
The firm’s capacity to trade oil, coal, aluminium,
copper, zinc, copper, lead, nickel, cobalt, wheat,
maize, barley, edible oils and sugar from 60 field
offices in 50 countries has turned it into one of the
biggest beneficiaries of the commodities boom.
Glencore continues to guard its privacy. Investors
interested in the company can only get financial details
if they buy the one security Glencore has issued — a
$950m Luxembourg bond floated last year. Everyone else
is barred from the company’s password- protected part of
the website.
Glencore had $4. 6billion in shareholders equity at the
end of last year. Since the company is100 %
management-owned, this money is controlled by its senior
executives.
Glencore’s2 , 000employees share in regular
distributions of its profits. The company said that the
distributions were in line with public-company bonuses.
“You can safely assume that the top people at Glencore
come close to being billionaires,” said a London broker
who knows the company.
Under Rich, Glencore diversified from commodities
trading into buying mines, mills and other industrial
assets. Under Strothotte, Glencore has reorganised these
assets, partially selling them through public share
offerings.
In 1996 Glencore gave the go-ahead to the flotation of
California-based Century Aluminum on Nasdaq.
“We had assets, including the Ravenswood rolling mill,
that did not sit comfortably with the trading side of
the business,” said Century chief executive Craig Davis.
Since Rich’s departure Glencore has also reorganised and
developed a Swiss minerals company called Suedelektra.
Strothotte changed its name to Xstrata and hired Davis,
the South African who helped form BHP-Billiton, the
world’s largest mining company, to run it.
When Glencore’s plan to sell its Australian and South
African coalmines via a flotation on the Australian
Stock Exchange was aborted by the 9/ 11terrorist
attacks, Davis saw an opportunity.
Xstrata arranged to buy those coalmines from Glencore
and float itself on the London Stock Exchange. It raised
£800m, mainly from City institutions.
In 2003 Xstrata acquired the Australian coal and copper
mining icon MIM Holdings. Last month it took a20 % stake
in the Canadian nickel producer Falconbridge.
As a result of its growth-through-acquisition strategy,
Xstrata is now ranked ninth by market capitalisation in
the world’s consolidating mining industry.
In2004 , it reported a75 % jump in sales to $6. 1billion
and a280 % leap in net income to $1. 1billion.
Glencore continues to evolve from a purely private Swiss
firm into a private company with a selective presence in
public capital markets.
In the past it paid virtually no attention to the
perceptions of investors, government officials,
regulators and the public, because they had nothing to
do with the company’s trades.
Now outside perceptions matter more.
Business Week’s July story about the legacy of Marc Rich
may have caused a small market ruction.
The price of Glencore’s Luxembourg bond fell relative to
similarly rated issues, said analyst Joanne Fisher at
the Boston-based fund manager Pioneer. She said that the
price of the bond rose again when the company reported
strong financial results.
Glencore disputes this. “Spreads were very stable around
the date of July18 ,” a company spokesman said.
Glencore’s transformation from super-secret to
semi-public company is centred in London. Xstrata, its
biggest co-investment with public investors, confirms
that.
The City — along with Glencore and Xstrata executives —
will be watching to see what, if any, difference the
Volcker committee’s disclosures next month make to one
of the world’s most powerful companies.
Additional reporting: Ines Sabalic
Times Newspapers Ltd.
Source: The Sunday Times
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