09/15/05 "Moscow Times" -- Four years ago, the United
States was hit by a terrorist attack. Three days later,
the U.S. Congress signed away the people's freedom,
writing a blank check for tyranny to a ludicrous little
man installed in office after the most dubious election
in American history.
Last week, the poisonous after-effects of this abject
surrender took yet another sinister turn, as Bush
factotums in the courts once again upheld the Leader's
arbitrary power over the life and liberty of his
subjects.
The joint House-Senate resolution of Sept. 14, 2001 --
approved by a combined vote of 518-1 -- gave President
George W. Bush the most sweeping powers ever granted an
American leader. Bush was authorized to use "all
necessary and appropriate force" against any
organization or individual that he alone declared was
somehow connected to the Sept. 11 attacks.
His arbitrary will would be the sole deciding factor.
This timorous resolution was, in effect, a repeal of the
Magna Carta: the nobles of the land giving back hard-won
rights to a harsh, incompetent despot.
A few critical voices at the time -- this column among
them -- noted the dangers of this panic attack among the
political elite. "We must now trust that this man who
can't hold his liquor will be able to hold near-absolute
power without getting drunk on it," we wrote on Sept.
21, 2001. There was of course no basis for that trust,
and it was immediately betrayed.
The Bush Faction seized upon the congressional
resolution as an "Enabling Act" justifying a broad range
of unconstitutional measures, including torture,
kidnappings, mass roundups, secret hearings, secret
prisons, arrests without charge, indefinite detention,
kangaroo courts, "extrajudicial killings" and, finally,
aggressive war.
EXECUTIVE ORDERS
In a series of secret "executive orders" and Justice
Department memos, the Bush Faction overturned the
Constitution and established a new authoritarian
principle of state: The president, they said, was not
bound by any domestic or international law in his
prosecution of the "war on terror." And this "war" -- an
inchoate, amorphous concept covering a multitude of sins
-- was founded upon the carte blanche of Sept. 14.
With Congress in headlong retreat from its
responsibilities, the last bulwark against the floodtide
of junta rule is the federal courts. But these, of
course, are now packed with Bush Family retainers and
Reaganite reactionaries, eager to serve the Leader.
Last week, for the second time in three months, a Bush
judicial minion under consideration for a Supreme Court
post issued a key ruling upholding the president's
dictatorial powers, The Washington Post reports.
First it was chief justice nominee John Roberts, who was
already interviewing for a high court seat when he
pleased his masters by ruling that Bush had the
arbitrary power to create his own parallel justice
system -- the "military tribunals" for his Terror War
captives -- and run it as he sees fit. Now comes Judge
J. Michael Luttig, appointed by Bush I and one of Bush
II's leading candidates for the other open Supreme slot.
Luttig has authored an appeals court decision that
strikes even deeper at the dying hulk of American
liberty, ruling that Bush can imprison U.S. citizens
indefinitely without charge or trial. All the Leader
need do is make a bald assertion of evildoing, which the
defendant is not allowed to challenge or dispute;
indeed, the captive is not even allowed to appear in
court.
PRISON, WITHOUT CHARGES OR TRIAL
This was the infamous case of Jose Padilla, the Chicago
street punk seized in a blaze of publicity about a
"dirty bomb" plot in 2002. When the "dirty" scenario was
exposed as Bushist fantasy by U.S. intelligence, the
feds then accused Padilla of vague plans to blow up
apartment buildings somewhere. Whatever.
Luttig, perhaps with judicial Valhalla in his sights,
ruled that Bush could keep Padilla -- and any other
American arbitrarily designated an "enemy combatant" --
in prison, without charges or trial, for the duration of
the "war on terror." And how long might that be? Vice
President Dick Cheney told us in October 2001 that the
war "may never end, at least not in our lifetime."
And the Leader himself declared on Aug. 7, 2002:
"There's no telling how many wars it will take to secure
freedom in the homeland." Not just indefinite but
infinite detention, in other words.
So where did Luttig find the "authority" for this
breathtaking despotism, which far outstrips any power
held by King George III, the oppressor whose
depredations sparked the American Revolution? Not in the
legal code. Not in the Constitution. Certainly not in
the Magna Carta. No, he cited the trusty Enabling Act of
Sept. 14.
Let's not forget one salient point. The federal
government already possessed sufficient powers to find
and punish all those involved in the Sept. 11 attack.
(Indeed, so draconian were the government's existing
powers that Republican leaders spent the 1990s rightly
resisting Bill Clinton's attempts to expand them.)
Just a few years before, the government had tracked,
arrested, tried -- in open court -- and convicted an
international band of Islamic extremists who had bombed
the World Trade Center. And for decades, U.S. presidents
have launched an endless series of military incursions
in the name of defending American security.
Thus, the Sept. 14 resolution was not necessary for the
government to respond with "all necessary and
appropriate force" to Sept. 11. However, it was
necessary -- indeed, indispensable -- for an unpopular,
illegitimate regime to put its radical agenda of
military aggression, unrestricted corporate predation
and elitist rule into practice.
No doubt we'll see this Enabling Act invoked more and
more as the unpopular Bushist Faction faces a rising
tide of public dissent and dissatisfaction.
Padilla may soon have plenty of company in his infinite
legal limbo.
Chris Floyd
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