By: Lambrosthis should send a shiver down the spine of anyoneWed Jul 27, 2005 21:49126.96.36.199this should send a shiver down the spine of anyone who still has a spine
By: Lambros on: 27.07.2005 [17:28 ] (491 reads)
John Gardner is the Professor of Jurisprudence at the University of Oxford, and occasional Visiting Professor at Yale Law School.
He has very impressive biographical notes indeed. His article about the Police State concerns the killing of Mr Jean Charles de Menezes, responsibility for that act and the response of the government to "terrorism". The article should be read in full.
Among the legal and ethical points he makes are:
(1) There is no general legal duty to assist the police or to obey police
instructions. Rice v Connolly 1966 2 QB 414.
(2) There are special police powers to arrest and search. But there is no
special police licence to injure or kill. If they injure or kill, the police
need to rely on the same law as the rest of us.
(3) The law allows those who use force in prevention of crime to use only
necessary and proportionate force. Jack Straw and Sir Ian Blair say that
officers are under great pressure. But this is no excuse. In law, as in
morality, being under extra pressure gives us no extra latitude for error in
judging how much force is proportionate or necessary. R v Clegg 1995 1 A.C. 482.
He writes that the fact that those involved were police officers is irrelevant to the question of whether to prosecute them. It is a basic requirement of the Rule of Law that, when suspected of crimes, officials are subject to the same policies and procedures as the rest of us.
It is a relief to read an experienced legal and academic voice, pointing out
"people say: Blame the terrorists, not the police.
But blame is not a zero-sum game. The fact that one is responding to faulty actions doesn't mean one is incapable of being at fault oneself.
We may blame Tony Blair for helping to create the conditions in which bombing appeals to people, without subtracting any blame from the bombers.
We may also blame the bombers for creating the conditions in which the police act under pressure, without subtracting blame from the police if they overreact. Everyone is responsible for their own faulty actions, never mind the contribution of others.
This is the moral position as well as the position in criminal law."
On the proposed new anti-terrorist offences, Professor Gardner writes:
"The one that has been variously labelled as 'condoning' or 'glorifying' or 'indirectly inciting' terrorism gives cause for concern.
It is already an offence to incite another person to commit an act of terrorism
(Terrorism Act 2000 s59).
In which respects, we may wonder, is the scope of this offence to be extended? The word 'indirect' suggests that they mean to catch those who incite the s59 inciter. But under general doctrines of English criminal law it is already an offence to incite the s59 inciter. So one suspects some other extension of the existing offence is being cooked up.
Is the plan to criminalise the mere defence or endorsement of a terrorist act? If so we are in for trouble.
Terrorism in English law is defined to cover all modes of political violence, however trifling."
Professor Gardner asks, "Are academics and commentators no longer to be permitted to defend any political violence? Is Ted Honderich's Violence for Equality, or Peter Singer's Democracy and Disobedience, to be put on the banned books list? The only thing protecting these books at the moment is that, in the eyes of the law, an argued endorsement is not an incitement.
The thought that the government may be thinking of changing this should send a shiver down the spine of anyone who still has a spine (damn few).
Professor Gardner concludes with a quotation from Lord Hoffman
Lord Hoffman in .A v Home Secretary 2005 2 WLR 87: 'The real threat to the life of the nation ... comes not from terrorism but from laws like these.'
"Quite right," comments Professor Gardner, who himself works in London. "Some extra risk of being blown up by fanatics on the way to work is one of the prices we pay for living in a free society. Let's make sure we keep it that way."
".... a network of net-worker's...."
I was born an American. I live as an American; I shall die an American; and I intend to perform the duties incumbent upon me in that character to the end of my career. I mean to do this with absolute disregard to personal consequences. What are the personal consequences?
What is the individual man with all the good or evil that may betide him, in comparison with the good and evil which may befall a great country, and in the midst of great transactions which concern that country's fate? Let the consequences be what they will, I am careless, No man can suffer too much, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer or if he fall, in the defense of the liberties and Constitution of his country.
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