ANTHONY J. SEBOK
Could Valerie Plame Sue Karl Rove?
Part One of a Two-Part Series
FindLaw columnist and Brooklyn law professor Anthony Sebok raises an
interesting question: Could Valerie Plame -- the CIA agent whose identity was
leaked, resulting in the current Special Counsel investigation -- sue Karl
Rove, if he was the leaker? Sebok considers both the Supreme Court decisions
regarding immunity for federal officials, and the various kinds of civil
claims that might be available to Plame.
http://writ.news.findlaw.com/
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JOHN W. DEAN
It Appears That Karl Rove Is In Serious Trouble
FindLaw columnist and former counsel to the president John Dean discusses the
legal situation of White House aide Karl Rove -- who apparently leaked the
identity of CIA agent Valerie Plame Wilson to Time magazine's Matt Cooper, and
possibly other journalists as well. Dean concludes that, based on the
information known to the public so far, Rove might not be able to be
prosecuted for the leak under the Intelligence Identities and Protection Act,
but may very well be able to be prosecuted under other statutes. Dean notes
the strong parallel between the leak that prompted the prosecution of an
earlier Bush Administration leaker, DEA analyst Jonathan Randel, and the leak
for which Rove is apparently responsible. As Dean notes, Randel was jailed for
a year for a leak that seems to have posed much less risk, and caused less
injury, than Rove's.
Friday, Jul. 15, 2005
http://writ.news.findlaw.com/
===============
It Appears That Karl Rove Is In Serious Trouble
By JOHN W. DEAN
----
Friday, Jul. 15, 2005
As the scandal over the leak of CIA agent Valerie Plame's identity has
continued to unfold, there is a renewed focus on Karl Rove -- the White House
Deputy Chief of Staff whom President Bush calls his political "architect."
Newsweek has reported that Matt Cooper, in an email to his bureau chief at
Time magazine, wrote that he had spoken "to Rove on double super secret
background for about two min[ute]s before he went on vacation ..." In that
conversation, Rove gave Cooper a "big warning" that Time should not "get too
far out on Wilson." Rove was referring, of course, to former Ambassador Joe
Wilson's acknowledgment of his trip to Africa, where he discovered that Niger
had not, in fact, provided uranium to Iraq that might be part of a weapons of
mass destruction (WMD) program. Cooper's email indicates that Rove told Cooper
that Wilson's trip had not been authorized by CIA Director George Tenet or
Vice President Dick Cheney; rather, Rove claimed, "it was � [W]ilson's wife,
who apparently works at the agency on [WMD] issues who authorized the trip."
(Rove was wrong about the authorization.)
Only the Special Counsel, Patrick Fitzgerald, and his staff have all the facts
on their investigation at this point, but there is increasing evidence that
Rove (and others) may have violated one or more federal laws. At this time, it
would be speculation to predict whether indictments will be forthcoming.
No Apparent Violation Of The Identities Protection Act
As I pointed out when the Valerie Plame Wilson leak first surfaced, the
Intelligence Identities And Protection Act is a complex law. For the law to
apply to Rove, a number of requirements must be met.
Rove must have had "authorized access to classified information" under the
statute. Plame was an NCO (non-covered officer). White House aides, and even
the president, are seldom, if ever, given this information. So it is not
likely Rove had "authorized access" to it.
In addition, Rove must have "intentionally" -- not "knowingly" as has been
mentioned in the news coverage -- disclosed "any information identifying such
a covert agent." Whether or not Rove actually referred to Mrs. Wilson as
"Valerie Plame," then, the key would be whether he gave Matt Cooper (or
others) information that Joe Wilson's wife was a covert agent. Also, the
statute requires that Rove had to know, as a fact, that the United States was
taking, or had taken, "affirmative measures to conceal" Valerie Plame's covert
status. Rove's lawyer says he had no such knowledge.
In fact, there is no public evidence that Valerie Wilson had the covert status
required by the statute. A covert agent, as defined under this law, is "a
present or retired officer or employee" of the CIA, whose identity as such "is
classified information," and this person must be serving outside of the United
States, or have done so in the last five years.
There is no solid information that Rove, or anyone else, violated this law
designed to protect covert CIA agents. There is, however, evidence suggesting
that other laws were violated. In particular, I have in mind the laws invoked
by the Bush Justice Department in the relatively minor leak case that it
vigorously prosecuted, though it involved information that was not nearly as
sensitive as that which Rove provided Matt Cooper (and possibly others).
The Jonathan Randel Leak Prosecution Precedent
I am referring to the prosecution and conviction of Jonathan Randel. Randel
was a Drug Enforcement Agency analyst, a PhD in history, working in the
Atlanta office of the DEA. Randel was convinced that British Lord Michael
Ashcroft (a major contributor to Britain's Conservative Party, as well as
American conservative causes) was being ignored by DEA, and its investigation
of money laundering. (Lord Ashcroft is based in South Florida and the
off-shore tax haven of Belize.)
Randel leaked the fact that Lord Ashcroft's name was in the DEA files, and
this fact soon surfaced in the London news media. Ashcroft sued, and learned
the source of the information was Randel. Using his clout, soon Ashcroft had
the U.S. Attorney in pursuit of Randel for his leak.
By late February 2002, the Department of Justice indicted Randel for his
leaking of Lord Ashcroft's name. It was an eighteen count "kitchen sink"
indictment; they threw everything they could think of at Randel. Most relevant
for Karl Rove's situation, Court One of Randel's indictment alleged a
violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section 641. This is a law that
prohibits theft (or conversion for one's own use) of government records and
information for non-governmental purposes. But its broad language covers
leaks, and it has now been used to cover just such actions.
Randel, faced with a life sentence (actually, 500 years) if convicted on all
counts, on the advice of his attorney, pleaded guilty to violating Section
641. On January 9, 2003, Randel was sentenced to a year in a federal prison,
followed by three years probation. This sentence prompted the U.S. Attorney to
boast that the conviction of Randel made a good example of how the Bush
Administration would handle leakers.
The Randel Precedent -- If Followed -- Bodes Ill For Rove
Karl Rove may be able to claim that he did not know he was leaking "classified
information" about a "covert agent," but there can be no question he
understood that what he was leaking was "sensitive information." The very fact
that Matt Cooper called it "double super secret background" information
suggests Rove knew of its sensitivity, if he did not know it was classified
information (which by definition is sensitive).
United States District Court Judge Richard Story's statement to Jonathan
Randel, at the time of sentencing, might have an unpleasant ring for Karl
Rove. Judge Story told Randel that he surely must have appreciated the risks
in leaking DEA information. "Anything that would affect the security of
officers and of the operations of the agency would be of tremendous concern, I
think, to any law-abiding citizen in this country," the judge observed. Judge
Story concluded this leak of sensitive information was "a very serious crime."
"In my view," he explained, "it is a very serious offense because of the risk
that comes with it, and part of that risk is because of the position" that
Randel held in the DEA. But the risk posed by the information Rove leaked is
multiplied many times over; it occurred at a time when the nation was
considering going to war over weapons of mass destruction. And Rove was
risking the identity of, in attempting to discredit, a WMD proliferation
expert, Valerie Plame Wilson.
Judge Story acknowledged that Randel's leak did not appear to put lives at
risk, nor to jeopardize any DEA investigations. But he also pointed out that
Randel "could not have completely and fully known that in the position that
[he] held." Is not the same true of Rove? Rove had no idea what the specific
consequences of giving a reporter the name of a CIA agent (about whom he says
he knew nothing) would be--he only knew that he wanted to discredit her
(incorrectly) for dispatching her husband to determine if the rumors about
Niger uranium were true or false.
Given the nature of Valerie Plame Wilson's work, it is unlikely the public
will ever know if Rove's leak caused damage, or even loss of life of one of
her contracts abroad, because of Rove's actions. Dose anyone know the dangers
and risks that she and her family may face because of this leak?
It was just such a risk that convinced Judge Story that "for any person with
the agency to take it upon himself to leak information poses a tremendous
risk; and that's what, to me, makes this a particularly serious offense."
Cannot the same be said that Rove's leak? It dealt with matters related to
national security; if the risk Randel was taking was a "tremendous" risk,
surely Rove's leak was monumental.
While there are other potential violations of the law that may be involved
with the Valerie Plame Wilson case, it would be speculation to consider them.
But Karl Rove's leak to Matt Cooper is now an established fact. First, there
is Matt Cooper's email record. And Cooper has now confirmed that he has told
the grand jury he spoke with Rove. If Rove's leak fails to fall under the
statute that was used to prosecute Randel, I do not understand why.
There are stories circulating that Rove may have been told of Valerie Plame's
CIA activity by a journalist, such as Judith Miller, as recently suggested in
Editor & Publisher. If so, that doesn't exonerate Rove. Rather, it could make
for some interesting pairing under the federal conspiracy statute (which was
the statute most commonly employed during Watergate).
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