LEAKGATE a/k/a Palmegate: Dick Cheney's Role
July 20, 2005
Plamegate: Dick Cheney's Role
by Ray McGovern
http://www.antiwar.com/mcgovern/?articleid=6706
In yesterday's essay, "Why Plame Matters," we suggested that the White House
assault on the reputations of former ambassador Joseph Wilson and his wife
had much to do with "the particular lie that Wilson exposed," and we
discussed the unusual role Vice President Dick Cheney played regarding the
bogus "intelligence" about Iraq seeking to acquire uranium from Niger. Our
Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS) files provide
contemporaneous insight into Cheney's unusual involvement and throw light on
continuing attempts to disguise it.
Continuing attempts? Investigative journalist Robert Parry, writing Tuesday
for ConsortiumNews.com, notes that atop the Republican National Committee's
list of "Joe Wilson's Top Ten Worst Inaccuracies and Misstatements" sits
"Wilson insisted that the vice president's office sent him to Niger." That's
not exactly what Wilson said, but let's leave that point aside for the
moment. What strikes me is the rather transparent 2-year-old campaign to
dissociate Cheney from L'Affaire Iraq-Niger.
On July 14, 2003, the day of Robert Novak's opening salvo against the
Wilsons, VIPs wrote a memorandum for the president with two main sections:
"The Forgery Flap," and "The Vice President's Role." In that memo, we also
made an important recommendation that appeared a bit extreme at the time,
but it was already possible to discern what was going on:
"We recommend that you call an abrupt halt to attempts to prove Vice
President Cheney 'not guilty.' His role has been so transparent that such
attempts will only erode further your own credibility. Equally pernicious,
from our perspective, is the likelihood that intelligence analysts will
conclude that the way to success is to acquiesce in the cooking of their
judgments, since those above them will not be held accountable. We strongly
recommend that you ask for Cheney's immediate resignation."
Protesting (or Protecting) Too Much
We were all children once. Remember how, when you and your peers got caught
in some mischief, the ringleader had to be protected? "Who decided to do
this terrible thing?" was often the question. "Not Dick (or Tom or Harry)"
was often the instinctive, immediate answer. Remember how, as a parent, that
made you really wonder about Dick (or Tom or Harry)?
In our memo of July 14, 2003, we warned President George W. Bush that the
Iraq-seeking-uranium-in-Niger forgery was "a microcosm of a mischievous
nexus of overarching problems" in his White House. We cited the remarks of
then-presidential spokesman Ari Fleischer earlier that week, which (as noted
above) set the tone for what has followed – right up to today. When asked
about the forgery Fleischer noted – as if drawing on well-memorized
talking points – that the vice president was not guilty of anything. (The
denial was gratuitous; the question asked did not even mention the vice
president's possible role.) And the liturgy of absolution continued on July
11, 2003, when then-director of the CIA George Tenet did his awkward best to
absolve the vice president of responsibility.
The "Particular Lie" and Forgery
We noted yesterday that the main motivation of the White House campaign to
discredit the Wilsons had to do with "the particular lie that Joseph Wilson
exposed and the essential role it played in the administration's plans." The
lie was that Iraq was on the verge of acquiring nuclear weapons and that,
despite Iraq's inability to deliver such weapons on the U.S., this somehow
posed a "grave and gathering" threat. The plans were to use that ominous
specter to deceive Congress into approving war on Iraq. The problem was that
not even the obsequious George Tenet could come up with evidence that could
withstand close scrutiny.
This was a problem, especially since UN inspectors and U.S. intelligence
knew that Iraq's nuclear program had been destroyed after the Gulf War and
there was no persuasive evidence that Baghdad was moving to reconstitute it.
Even the intelligence imagery analysts, whom former CIA director John Deutch
gave away to the Pentagon in 1996, could not come up with the evidence
needed, despite very strong incentive to please their boss, Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
What a welcome windfall, then, when a deus ex machina appeared in early
2002, in the form of a report alleging that Iraq was seeking uranium in the
African country of Niger. Since Iraq had no other use for uranium, the White
House spin machine went into high gear, playing up the report as proof that
Baghdad was reconstituting its nuclear weapons development program. The
intelligence analysts had to hold their noses – not only because of the
dubious sourcing but because the substance of the report made little sense.
They knew (and Wilson confirmed) that all the uranium mined in Niger is
controlled by a French-led international consortium that exercises
super-strict control over exports from Niger. It just couldn't happen.
Provenance and likelihood be damned. The White House now had a "report" that
could be used effectively with Congress, and Tenet could be counted on to
keep his nose-holding professionals out of sight. The
Iraq-seeking-uranium-from-Africa canard has assumed such prominent
importance to the administration's case that it simply could not be dropped
– either in Washington or in London. Accordingly, none of us in VIPs were
in the least surprised to learn recently of the line taken by Karl Rove with
Time reporter Matthew Cooper on July 11, 2003. In an e-mail that Cooper sent
his bosses at Time, Rove insisted that Wilson's findings on Niger-Iraq were
flawed. According to Cooper, Rove "implied strongly there's still plenty to
implicate Iraqi interest in acquiring uranium from Niger." That was false.
Neither British nor U.S. intelligence has come up with anything to throw the
slightest doubt on Wilson's conclusions.
Who Did It?
Who authored the forgery remains a mystery, but one that Congress has
avoided trying to solve, even though many have expressed outrage at having
been snookered into voting for war. Senate intelligence committee chair Pat
Roberts (R-Kan.) has demonstrated a curious lack of curiosity. Nothing that
ranking minority member Jay Rockefeller could do would persuade Roberts to
ask the FBI to investigate.
Those searching for answers are reduced to asking the obvious: Cui bono? Who
stood to benefit from such a forgery? A no-brainer – those lusting for war
on Iraq. And who might that be? Look up the "neocon" writings on the Web
site of the Project for the New American Century. There you will information
on people like Michael Ledeen, "Freedom Analyst" at the American Enterprise
Institute and a key strategist among "neoconservative" hawks in and out of
the Bush administration. Applauding the invasion of Iraq, Ledeen asserted at
the very start that the war could not be contained, and that "it may turn
out to be a war to remake the world."
Beyond his geopolitical punditry, Ledeen's career shows he is
well-accustomed to rogue operations. A longtime Washington operative, he was
fired as a "consultant" for the National Security Council under President
Ronald Reagan for running fool's errands for Oliver North during the
Iran-Contra subterfuge. One of Ledeen's Iran-Contra partners in crime, so to
speak, was Elliot Abrams. Abrams was convicted of lying to Congress about
Iran-Contra. He was pardoned before jail time, however, by George H. W. Bush
and is now George W. Bush's deputy national security adviser. Ledeen
continues to enjoy entree into the office of the vice president, as well as
to his friend Abrams.
During a radio interview with Ian Masters on April 3, 2005, former CIA
operative Vincent Cannistraro charged that the Iraq-Niger documents were
forged in the United States. Drawing on earlier speculation regarding who
forged the documents, Masters asked, "If I were to say the name Michael
Ledeen to you, what would you say?" Cannistraro replied, "You're very
close."
Ledeen has denied having anything to do with the forgery. Yet the company he
keeps with other prominent Iran-Contra convicts/pardonees/intelligence
contractors suggests otherwise. Another intriguing straw in the wind is
Ledeen's long association with Italian intelligence, which, according to
most accounts, played a role in disseminating the forged documents. If
Ledeen and his associates were involved, this might also help explain the
amateurishness of the forged documents. They would have sorely missed the
institutional expertise formerly at their beck and call.
The Cover-Up
It is a safe bet that Joseph Wilson suspected this kind of skullduggery. He
nevertheless played it straight. After hearing the bogus Iraq story repeated
in the Jan. 28, 2003, State of the Union speech and ascertaining that it was
based on little more than the original report, Wilson began to approach
administration officials suggesting that they retract the story or he would
in conscience be compelled to make public what had happened. He was told, in
effect, Go public; who will believe you? So he did. Astonishingly, the
administration and the domesticated press have partially succeeded in making
Wilson's credibility the issue – witness, for example, the frontal assault
last weekend by fast-talking, no-holds-barred Republican National Committee
chairman Ken Mehlman.
Joseph Wilson had been around long enough to know what to expect. Moreover,
the White House apparently made it very clear that they would make him pay
if he went public. Just three weeks before The New York Times published
Wilson's op-ed "What I Did Not Find in Africa," he and I shared keynoting
duties at a conference on Iraq. Wilson told me then that he was about to
publish, adding "They are going to come after me big-time. I don't know
exactly how, but they are going to do it."
It has now become clear that Cheney's chief, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, was
as active as Rove in spreading the word about the Wilsons when the story
broke in July 2003. Surprise, surprise.
Reprinted courtesy of TomPaine.com.
http://www.antiwar.com/mcgovern/?articleid=6706
======================
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