Alan R. Adaschik
Impeachment and The Constitution
Tue Jan 20 10:11:59 2004
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/01-20-04/discussion.cgi.40.html
It appears that Ms. Coulter borrowed some ideas from an article
I wrote immediately following Bill Clinton's impeachment trial
entitled "Impeachment and The Constitution. Excerpts of which
follow:
IMPEACHMENT AND THE CONSTITUTION: by Alan Adaschik
There are many momentous events in the 210 years of our Nation’s
History and the impeachment of President William Jefferson
Clinton ranks among them. Unfortunately, most Americans do not
comprehend the significance of the President’s impeachment
trial. President Clinton was impeached by the House Of
Representatives and found not guilty by the Senate. This article
will not argue the President’s guilt or innocence but instead,
will attempt to shed light upon misconceptions and mistakes
evident during his impeachment process. These misconceptions and
mistakes strike at the heart of our constitutional form of
government and have transformed this Nation from one that is
ruled by law to one ruled by demagoguery.
The Constitution
The Constitution of the United States of America is a document
written by citizens in laymen terms. Its purpose is to establish
our government and the laws that guide and control it. If the
wording of the Constitution sounds awkward, it is because our
style of writing has changed over the past 210 years. Most words
and phrases in the Constitution can be taken at face value.
However, in certain cases, to understand the intent of our
Founding Fathers, an understanding of the common usage of words
at the time is necessary.
Following is the verbatim text from our Constitution that
address impeachment.
ARTICLE I, Section 2 - The House of Representatives shall have
the sole power of impeachment.
ARTICLE I, Section 3 - The Senate shall have the sole power to
try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall
be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United
States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside: And no person
shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the
members present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not
extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification
to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the
United States: but the party convicted shall never-the-less be
liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and
punishment, according to law.
ARTICLE II, Section 1 - The President shall have the power to
grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United
States, except in cases of impeachment.
ARTICLE II, Section 4 - The president, Vice-President and all
civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from
office on impeachment for, and conviction of, Treason, Bribery,
or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
ARTICLE III, Section 2 - The trial of all crimes, except in
cases of impeachment, shall be by Jury.
At first glance these words appear straight forward and easy to
understand. A procedure has been established for removing high
officials from office for committing, "Treason, Bribery, or
other high Crimes and Misdemeanors". But, what other crimes are
impeachable under these guidelines? President Clinton’s
supporters maintain that only crimes that are an obvious threat
to the Nation are impeachable and that Perjury and Obstruction
Of Justice do not meet this constitutional standard. We know of
two crimes that are definitely impeachable; Treason and Bribery.
Treason, is an obvious threat to the nation. However, Bribery
may or may not be a threat dependent upon circumstance and
clearly, there are many bribes that are not a threat. Therefore,
some types of bribes may be impeachable while others are not.
How do we determine the difference?
Perhaps an answer to this question lies in the phrase "high
Crimes and Misdemeanors". This is a curious arrangement of
words. Why is the word "Misdemeanor" used in conjunction with
"high Crimes"? Is there such a thing as a high misdemeanor? Can
a misdemeanor crime be detrimental to our Nation? If no, we are
left with the disturbing conclusion that this part of our
Constitution does not make sense and the Framers erred when
writing it. But wait; this contradiction is resolved if the word
"high" does not refer to a hierarchy of crimes but instead, to
the status of the official committing the crime. In other words
a "high Crime" is not a crime worse than others, but a crime
committed by a "high" government official. Under this
interpretation, both high crimes and high misdemeanors are
possible and the Constitution makes sense as written. The fact
that the words Crimes and Misdemeanors are capitalized while
"high" is not supports this conclusion.
Our new understanding of "high crimes" is the only one that
makes sense because it is not possible to reconcile
"misdemeanor" with the word "high". A "misdemeanor" can never be
a high crime and there is no such thing as misdemeanor Treason
or misdemeanor Bribery. Therefore, the proposition that only
high crimes detrimental to our Nation are impeachable is false.
Our Constitution holds government officials accountable for all
crimes committed while in office irrespective of how serious
those crimes are.
How could the Framers give Congress the power to overturn a
national election because of a misdemeanor crime? To understand
why, it is necessary to understand their frame of mind at the
time the Constitution was written. We had just fought a terrible
war to throw off the yoke of British tyranny and at best,
government was considered a necessary evil. This was clearly
established by Thomas Paine in his pamphlet, "Common Sense",
which was very popular and widely read just prior to the
Revolutionary War. Furthermore, the thirteen colonies were
populated by people who had fled the Old World to escape the
oppression and tyranny of their former governments. Therefore,
our Founding Fathers, to a man, were distrustful of government.
Knowing this, it is not hard to understand why they subscribed
to the notion that criminals of any kind should not be allowed
hold public office; more so our highest office; the Presidency.
The saying, "A public office is a public trust", held real
significance to the Framers.
Are we really left with the disturbing prospect that the
President, can be removed from office for Jay Walking or for
parking at an expired meter? The Framers were not that dogmatic.
To be sure, a president will be removed from office if impeached
by the House and convicted by the Senate, but this will only
happen if the House exercises its constitutional authority to
impeach. There is nothing in the Constitution that compels the
House to act. Impeachment, therefore, is an option for the House
to be exercised at their discretion. If the House impeaches, it
is incumbent upon the Senate to hold a trial; the "sole" purpose
of which is to determine if the offending official is guilty as
charged and thereby removed from office. No other course of
action is permitted and under no circumstances does the Senate
enjoy the option of questioning whether a crime is impeachable
or not. The House has already so ruled and the Constitution
reserves this right for the House alone.
Under what circumstances can we expect the House to exercise
their power of impeachment? For Jaywalking? Obviously, no. For
Treason? Obviously, yes. Where is the middle ground between
these two crimes? For an answer, we must look to Bribery; a
crime that was given special mention by the Framers.
Irrespective of bribes affecting national security, what is it
about a bribe that makes it repugnant? When a public official
takes a bribe, he is acting for his own interest to the
detriment of the public. Bribe taking entails a lie because
concurrent with accepting a salary to work for the public’s best
interest, an official secretly accepts a bribe to work for
someone else’s interest. Clearly, a public official who accepts
a bribe, any bribe for any reason, has violated the public trust
and by doing so, has forfeited the privilege of holding office.
We have now identified our middle ground. The Constitution holds
that the President, Vice President, or other high officials
should be impeached and removed from office for Treason,
Bribery, or any crime that constitutes a breach of the Public
trust similar to Bribery. This interpretation stands the test of
reason, is in keeping with sound governing principle and also
with the mindset of our Founding Fathers at the time the
Constitution was written.
Truth is an undeniable pillar of good government and this is
especially valid in our judicial system where the truth is held
sacred. The public’s best interest is always served by the truth
and any lie told in an official capacity is a breach of the
public trust because it supports the furtherance of a hidden
agenda. This being so, Obstruction Of Justice, the end result of
which is to establish a lie, is also a breach of the public
trust. The common essence of Bribery, Perjury and Obstruction
are lies and deception to pursue a hidden agenda contrary to the
public’s best interest. Therefore, these crimes are clear
violations of the public trust and impeachable.
According to ARTICLE I, Section 3, of the Constitution, judgment
in cases of impeachment is limited to removal from office and
permanent disqualification to hold office. Once removed or if
found not guilty, not removed from office, the offending
official is subject to being charged and tried in a court of
law. From this wording it should be clear that an impeachment
trial, while being called a trial, is really an administrative
procedure for removing offending officials from office to
protect the public’s best interests and also for the purpose of
allowing officials to be tried in a court of law as a private
citizens. Judgment in cases of impeachment is limited to removal
from office and disqualification to hold office specifically to
ensure that the impeachment process does not infringe upon the
prerogatives and mandates of our criminal justice system. This
being so, an impeachment trial has a lower threshold of guilt
than a criminal trial and does not replace or supersede one. It
is also possible for an official to be impeached and removed
from office and then subsequently found "not guilty" in a court
of law.
To understand why the Framers had no problem with this last
scenario, which seems so terribly unfair to us, we must revisit
the mindset they had when writing the Constitution. The Framers
did not view removing a President and replacing him with the
Vice President as overturning an election, but instead a sacred
duty performed for the good of the Nation on behalf of its
citizens. The Framers believed public officials should not only
avoid improprieties, but also the appearance of impropriety.
Isn’t this the essence of good leadership and a standard that
should be expected from government officials? A guiding
principle in law is that it is better to have a guilty man go
free than to convict an innocent one. The converse is true for
impeachment. It is better to remove an innocent President from
office, than have a guilty one remain there.
The impeachment process was placed within our Constitution to
ensure that government officials serve the public’s best
interest and to remove them from office when they do not. Its
purpose, most assuredly, was not to establish a privileged class
of government officials for whom the rule of law can be
suspended or denied. Unfortunately, in the trial or President
William Jefferson Clinton, this perversion prevailed.
The President’s Trial
Should the President have been removed from office for being
unfaithful to his wife? While this moral transgression is
lamentable, obviously no. No one should be removed from office
for a moral lapse that is private in nature. However, in
addition to being unfaithful, the thrust of the Paula Jones’
lawsuit was that the President was a sexual predator.
Irrespective of whether this is true or not, it was the Paula
Jones’ lawsuit that resulted in exposure of the President’s
relationship with Monica Lewinsky. His actions during the
investigation of this relationship led to his impeachment.
President Clinton was impeached for lying under oath and
attempting to impede an investigation of his sexual activities.
However, because these transgressions resulted from actions that
are private and personal, many people conclude that they are
forgivable and not impeachable. Despite popular opinion, there
are no mitigating circumstances for not telling the truth under
oath or for obstructing a duly constituted legal investigation.
This is especially true for the President of the United States;
the highest law enforcement official within our Nation and this
holds true irrespective of how much we like the President and
how well he does his job. Popularity and competence should never
overshadow the principles upon which good government is based
and the principles that support our criminal justice system.
The Senate voted "not guilty" to the Articles of Impeachment and
the President’s supporters declared a victory for democracy and
constitutional government. Unfortunately, the opposite is true.
The system worked properly through the swearing in of Senators
as jurors, but immediately following this ceremony, the Senate
trial degenerated into a political circus.
Upon receipt of the Articles of impeachment, the Constitution
mandates that the Senate hold a trial. Before this trial begins,
each Senator swears an oath that he will judge the President’s
by the evidence. This never happened. Immediately following the
swearing in ceremony, the Senate tendered a motion to dismiss
the charges against the President. This vote was taken because
it was understood that not enough votes were there to convict.
Apparently, this was determined by asking each Senator how they
would vote and having prejudged the President, they wrongfully
revealed their intentions. This would constitute a mistrial in a
court of law. Furthermore, because the House retains the "sole"
power to impeach, it follows that it is not constitutional for
the Senate to tender a motion to dismiss the charges against the
President? A vote to dismiss is the same as a vote to not
impeach because both votes determine if a Senate trial will be
held. This being so, the vote to dismiss by the Senate was an
affront to the House of Representatives and constituted a
usurpation of their impeachment authority.
After the motion to dismiss failed, the Senate had to decide how
to proceed. These procedural deliberations focused on the number
of witnesses that would be called and the method of presentation
of their testimony. In a criminal trial, no such limitations are
allowed. To be sure, evidence can be ruled inadmissible due to
legal technicalities or because it is irrelevant, but justice
demands that all material evidence be heard. The Senate swore an
oath to judge the President by the evidence. It is not possible
to reconcile this oath with a vote taken to place limitations on
the evidence presented. Therefore, the vote in question was
unconstitutional.
During the Senate trial, many Senators voted to acquit because
they believed that Perjury and Obstruction do not rise to an
impeachable level. It has been established that this is not the
case. Irrespective of whether this is true or not, to allow this
belief to determine how they would vote was also an affront to
the House Of Representatives and unconstitutional. The
Constitution provides that the House retains the "sole" power to
impeach. Therefore, a vote to impeach by the House necessarily
establishes that the crimes in question are impeachable.
Furthermore, when the Constitution establishes that the Senate
retains the "sole" power to try impeachments, it necessarily
follows that that the Senate is duty bound to determine if the
impeached individual is guilty as charged and nothing more.
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