9/11 and the American Empire
by David Ray Griffin
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/GRI505A.html
Scoop at
http://www.scoop.co.nz/ May 2005
www.globalresearch.ca 8 May 2005
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9/11 and the American Empire: How Should Religious People
Respond? An Address by David Ray Griffin C
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[Note: This lecture was delivered at the University of Wisconsin
at Madison on April 18, 2005, and first broadcast by C-Span2 (BookTV)
on April 30. Although this text does not correspond exactly to
the lecture as orally delivered, all the differences are trivial
except that, of course, the oral presentation had to get along
without footnotes. - David Ray Griffin]
I will begin by unpacking the key terms in the title of my talk:
'9/11,' 'American empire,' and 'religious people,' beginning
with the last one.
1. Religious People
Although I am a Christian theologian, I am in this talk
addressing religious people in general. I am doing so because I
believe that religious people should respond to 9/11 and the
American empire in a particular way because of moral principles
of their religious traditions that are common to all the
historic religious traditions.[1] I have in mind principles such
as: Thou shalt not covet thy neighbors' oil. Thou shalt not
murder thy neighbors in order to steal their oil.
Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbors,
accusing them of illicitly harboring weapons of mass
destruction, in order to justify killing them in order to steal
their oil. This language is, of course, language that we
associate with the Abrahamic religions�Judaism, Christianity,
and Islam. But the same basic ideas can be found in other
religious traditions.
I turn now to 'American empire,' which has been a highly
contentious term.
2. American Empire: Divergent Views
In his 2002 book American Empire, Andrew Bacevich points out
that it was long a 'cherished American tradition [that] the
United States is not and cannot be an empire.'[2] The words
'American empire,' he adds, were 'fighting words,' so that
uttering them was an almost sure sign that one was a left-wing
critic of America's foreign policy. But as Bacevich also points
out, this has all recently changed, so that now even right-wing
commentators freely acknowledge the existence of the American
empire. As columnist Charles Krauthammer said in 2002: 'People
are coming out of the closet on the word �empire.''[3] This new
frankness often includes an element of pride, as exemplified by
Krauthammer's statement that America is 'no mere international
citizen' but 'the dominant power in the world, more dominant
than any since Rome.'[4]
Given this consensus about the reality of the American empire,
the only remaining matter of debate concerns its nature. The new
frankness about the empire by conservatives is generally
accompanied by portrayals of it as benign. Robert Kagan has
written of 'The Benevolent Empire.'[5] Dinesh D'Souza, after
writing in 2002 that 'American has become an empire,' added that
happily it is 'the most magnanimous imperial power ever.'[6]
According to Krauthammer, the fact that America's claim to being
a benign power 'is not mere self-congratuation' is shown by its
'track record.'[7]
Commentators from the left, however, have a radically different
view. A recent book by Noam Chomsky is subtitled America's Quest
for Global Dominance.[8] Richard Falk has written of the Bush
administration's 'global domination project,' which poses the
threat of 'global fascism.'[9] Chalmers Johnson was once a
conservative who believed that American foreign policy aimed at
promoting freedom and democracy. But he now describes the United
States as 'a military juggernaut intent on world
domination.'[10]
Andrew Bacevich is another conservative who has recently changed
his mind. Unlike Johnson, he has not come to identify with the
left, but he has come to agree with its assessment of the
American empire.[11] He now ridicules the claim 'that the
promotion of peace, democracy, and human rights and the
punishment of evil-doers--not the pursuit of
self-interest--[has] defined the essence of American
diplomacy.'[12] Pointing out that the aim of the US military has
been 'to achieve something approaching omnipotence,' Bacevich
mocks the idea that such power in America's hands 'is by
definition benign.'[13]
3. 9/11: Four Interpretations
If 'American empire' is understood in different ways, the same
is all the more true of the term '9/11.'
For those Americans who accept the official interpretation, 9/11
was a surprise attack on the US government and its people by
Islamic terrorists.
For some Americans, '9/11' has a more complex meaning. This
second group, while accepting the official interpretation of the
attacks, thinks of 9/11 primarily as an event that was used
opportunistically by the Bush administration to extend the
American empire. This interpretation is effectively presented by
writers such as Noam Chomsky, Rahul Mahajan, and Chalmers
Johnson.[14]
For a third group of Americans, the term '9/11' connotes an
event with a more sinister dimension. These citizens believe
that the Bush administration knew the attacks were coming and
intentionally let them happen. Although no national poll has
been taken to ascertain how many Americans hold this view, a
Zogby poll surprisingly indicated that almost half of the
residents of New York City do.[15]
According to a fourth view of 9/11, the attacks were not merely
foreknown by the Bush administration; they were orchestrated by
it. Although thus far no poll has tried to find out how many
Americans hold this view, polls in Canada and Germany some time
back indicated that this view was then held by 15 to 20 percent
of their people.[16]
4. 9/11 and the American Empire
Religious people who take the moral principles of their
religious tradition seriously will probably have very different
attitudes toward the American empire, depending upon which of
these four views of 9/11 they hold.
If they accept the official view, according to which America was
the innocent victim of evil terrorists, then it is easy for them
to think of America's so-called war on terror as a just war.
This is the position taken by Jean Bethke Elshtain, a professor
of ethics at the University of Chicago's Divinity School, in a
book called Just War Against Terror.[17] From this perspective,
the 'war on terror' has nothing to do with imperial designs. It
is simply a war to save the world from evil terrorists.[18]
The second interpretation of 9/11, according to which the Bush
administration cynically exploited the 9/11 attacks to further
its imperial plans, has quite different implications. Although
it thinks of the attacks as surprise attacks, planned entirely
by external enemies of America, it usually regards these attacks
as 'blowback' for injustices perpetrated by US imperialism. This
second view also typically regards the American response to the
attacks of 9/11, which has already led to hundreds of thousands
of deaths, as far worse than the attacks themselves. This
interpretation of 9/11 would lead people who take their
religion's moral principles seriously to support a movement to
change US foreign policy.
An even stronger reaction would normally be evoked by the third
interpretation, for it entails that the Bush administration
allowed thousands of its own citizens to be killed on 9/11,
deliberately and cold-bloodedly, for the sake of advancing its
imperial designs, and then used this event as an excuse to kill
hundreds of thousands of people in other countries, all the
while hypocritically portraying itself as promoting a 'culture
of life.' Of course, those who accept the previous
interpretation know that hypocrisy with regard to the 'sanctity
of life' has long been a feature of official rhetoric. And yet
most Americans, if they learned that their government had
deliberately let their own citizens be killed, would surely
consider this betrayal qualitatively different. For this would
be treason, a betrayal of the oath taken by American political
leaders to protect their own citizens.
If this third view implies that the Bush administration is
guilty of a heinous and even treasonous act, this is all the
more the case with the fourth view. For many Americans, the idea
that we are living in a country whose own leaders planned and
carried out the attacks of 9/11 is simply too horrible to
entertain. Unfortunately, however, there is strong evidence in
support of this view. And if we find this evidence convincing,
the implications for resistance to US empire-building are
radical.
As Bacevich has emphasized, the only remaining debate about the
American empire is whether it is benign. The interpretation of
9/11 is relevant to this debate, because it would be difficult
to accept either the third or the fourth interpretation and
still consider American imperialism benign.
I turn now to some of the evidence that supports these views. I
will look first at evidence that supports (at least) the third
view, according to which US officials had foreknowledge of the
attacks.
5. Evidence for Foreknowledge by US Officials
A central aspect of the official story about 9/11 is that the
attacks were planned entirely by al Qaeda, with no one else
knowing the plans. A year after the attacks, FBI Director Robert
Mueller said: "To this day we have found no one in the United
States except the actual hijackers who knew of the plot."[19]
Since that time, federal officials have had to admit that they
had received far more warnings prior to 9/11 than they had
previously acknowledged. But these admissions, while raising the
question of why further safety measures were not put in place,
do not necessarily show that federal officials had specific
foreknowledge of the attacks. One could still, as did the 9/11
Commission, accept the conclusion published at the end of 2002
by the Congressional Joint Inquiry, according to which 'none of
[the intelligence gathered by the US intelligence community]
identified the time, place, and specific nature of the attacks
that were planned for September 11, 2001.'[20]
Unfortunately for the official account, however, there are
reports indicating that federal officials did have that very
specific type of information. I will give two examples.
David Schippers and the FBI Agents: The first example involves
attorney David Schippers, who had been the chief prosecutor for
the impeachment of President Clinton. Two days after 9/11,
Schippers declared that he had received warnings from FBI agents
about the attacks six weeks earlier--warnings that included both
the dates and the targets. These agents had come to him,
Schippers said, because FBI headquarters had blocked their
investigations and threatened them with prosecution if they went
public with their information. They asked Schippers to use his
influence to get the government to take action to prevent the
attacks. Schippers was highly respected in Republican circles,
especially because of his role in the impeachment of Clinton.
And yet, he reported, Attorney General Ashcroft repeatedly
failed to return his calls.[21]
Schippers' allegations about the FBI agents were corroborated in
a story by William Norman Grigg called 'Did We Know What Was
Coming?', which was published in The New American, a very
conservative magazine. According to Grigg, the three FBI agents
he interviewed told him 'that the information provided to
Schippers was widely known within the Bureau before September
11th.'[22]
FULL REPORT....
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