Libby's guilty verdict: Media myths and falsehoods to watch for
http://mediamatters.org/items/200703060008
On March 6, a federal jury found former vice presidential chief
of staff I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby guilty on charges of perjury,
obstruction of justice, and lying to federal investigators. In
the wake of this decision, conservatives and other media figures
can be expected to revive and advance numerous myths and
falsehoods regarding the CIA leak case that have circulated
throughout the media since Libby's indictment in October 2005.
In anticipation of this misinformation, Media Matters for
America has listed those baseless and false claims likely to
surface in the coming days and weeks:
* No underlying crime was committed. Since a federal grand jury
indicted Libby in October 2005, numerous media figures have
stated that the nature of the charges against him prove that
special counsel Patrick J. Fitzgerald's investigation of the CIA
leak case found that no underlying crime had been committed. But
this assertion ignores Fitzgerald's explanation that Libby's
obstructions prevented him -- and the grand jury -- from
determining whether the alleged leak violated federal law.
* There was no concerted White House effort to smear Wilson. In
his October 2005 press conference announcing Libby's indictment,
Fitzgerald alleged that, in 2003, "multiple people in the White
House" engaged in a "concerted action" to "discredit, punish, or
seek revenge against" former ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV. In
August 2006, it came to light that then-deputy secretary of
State Richard Armitage was the original source for syndicated
columnist Robert D. Novak's July 14, 2003, column exposing CIA
operative Valerie Plame's identity. Numerous conservative media
figures subsequently claimed that this revelation disproved the
notion of a "concerted" White House effort to smear Wilson. But
to the contrary, David Corn -- Washington editor of The Nation
and co-author of Hubris (Crown, 2006) the book that revealed
Armitage's role in the leak -- noted on his Nation weblog that
Armitage "abetted a White House campaign under way to undermine
Wilson" and that whether he deliberately leaked Plame's
identity, "the public role is without question: senior White
House aides wanted to use Valerie Wilson's CIA employment
against her husband."
* Libby was not responsible for the leak of Plame's identity.
Some in the media have suggested that because Libby did not
discuss former CIA operative Valerie Plame's identity with Novak
-- the first journalist to report she worked at the CIA -- he is
not technically responsible for the leak. But such claims ignore
the fact that Libby discussed Plame's CIA employment with
then-New York Times reporter Judith Miller on several occasions
prior to the publication of Novak's column naming Plame as a CIA
operative.
* Libby merely "left out some facts." Some media outlets -- such
as The Washington Post -- have suggested that FBI agent Deborah
Bond testified at the trial that Libby simply "left out some
facts" when he was interviewed by her in 2003. Specifically, the
Post asserted that Bond said Libby "did not acknowledge
disclosing the identity of undercover CIA officer Valerie Plame
to reporters." In fact, Bond testified that Libby actually
denied having leaked Plame's identity or having had any
knowledge of her -- this despite the fact that two reporters had
already testified that he leaked Plame's identity to them.
* Libby's leak was an effort to set the record straight. Critics
of the CIA leak case have repeatedly claimed that the indictment
stems from an effort by Libby and Vice President Dick Cheney to
rebut a purportedly inaccurate attack on the administration by
Wilson. According to these critics, Wilson falsely accused
Cheney of having sent him to Niger to investigate reports that
Iraq had attempted to purchase yellowcake uranium from the
African country. In fact, Wilson, in his July 6, 2003, New York
Times op-ed, did not say he was sent by Cheney. Rather, Wilson
wrote that it was "agency officials" from the CIA who "askd if I
would travel to Niger" and "check out" a "particular
intelligence report" that "Cheney's office had questions about,"
so that CIA officials "could provide a response to the vice
president's office."
* There is no evidence that the Plame leak compromised national
security. Some media figures critical of the CIA leak case have
attempted to downplay its significance by claiming that no
evidence exists that the public disclosure of Plame's identity
compromised national security. In fact, news reports have
indicated that the CIA believed the damage caused by the leak
"was serious enough to warrant an investigation" and that the
subsequent disclosure of Plame's CIA front company likely put
other agents' work at risk. Further, Fitzgerald stated that
Plame's identity had been protected by the CIA "not just for the
officer, but for the nation's security." And in their recently
published book, Hubris, Corn and Newsweek investigative
correspondent Michael Isikoff reported that, at the time of the
leak, Plame was the chief of operations for the CIA's Joint Task
Force on Iraq, which "mount[ed] espionage operations to gather
information on the WMD programs Iraq might have."
* Fitzgerald is a partisan prosecutor. Over the course of the
CIA leak investigation and the Libby trial, conservative media
figures have attempted to cast Fitzgerald as a "prosecutor run
amok" who is engaging in "the criminalization of politics." But
Fitzgerald's background and prosecutorial record undermine the
suggestion that his pursuit of Libby was politically motivated.
Indeed, Fitzgerald is a Bush administration political appointee
who, as U.S. attorney, has investigated high-level public
officials from both parties, including former Illinois Gov.
George Ryan (R), Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley (D), and
Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich (D).
* Fitzgerald exceeded his mandate in investigating violations
beyond the IIPA. The administration's defenders also have
accused Fitzgerald of exceeding his original mandate. Media
figures have repeatedly asserted or implied that Fitzgerald was
appointed to investigate possible violations of the 1982
Intelligence Identities Protection Act (IIPA), which prohibits
the knowing disclosure of the identity of a covert intelligence
officer. In fact, his mandate was far broader. The Department of
Justice granted Fitzgerald "plenary" authority to investigate
the "alleged unauthorized disclosure" of Plame's identity.
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New York Times
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executive-editor@nytimes.com
managing-editor@nytimes.com
Contact:
The Washington Post The Washington Post
The Washington Post
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Washington, DC 20071
====================
From Publishers Weekly
Starred Review. Dubose and Bernstein show in this thorough,
rollicking career biography that it's Cheney-not the more
publicly criticized Donald Rumsfeld, Karl Rove, Condoleeza Rice
or President Bush-who is chiefly responsible for the most
unpopular aspects of the Bush regime: an imperial executive
office and foreign policy; abandonment of democratic ideals
(respect for government checks and balances, the Geneva
Convention, the Bill of Rights and the Freedom of Information
Act); and questionable corporate-government colusion (the secret
energy task force, Halliburton's government contracts in Iraq).
Tracing Cheney through three White House adminsitrations, six
terms in the House of Representatives, and a tour as Halliburton
CEO, the portrait that emerges from these pages is both alarming
and compelling; like a J.R. Ewing, Cheney proves to be the kind
of fascinating figure you love to hate. As obstacles to Cheney's
will-Congress, the Constitution, foreign countries, the press,
or other politicians-are sidestepped, ignored, or trammeled,
Cheney emerges as a classic Machiavellian; in Cheney's case, it
appears that the end which justifies the means is power, pure
and simple. Against Cheney, idealistic liberals who believe that
an appeal to democratic ideals, the Constitution, or basic
decency will work with this administration emerge here as
painfully naïve; unfortunately, this realization has only
settled in after the damage was already done. Dubose and
Bernstein present a sobering and darkly flattering expose of the
reclusive power behind the throne, and a grim vision of what his
legacy may be.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed
Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
http://www.amazon.com/Vice-Cheney-Hijacking-American-Presidency/dp/1400065763