Francis Boyle: Draft Impeachment Resolution
Wed Jan 17, 2007 01:41

Radio Your Way
INTERVIEW: Francis Boyle: Draft Impeachment Resolution
Fri Jan 12, 2007 14:15;article=108088;title=APFN

1/12/07 "The Charles Goyette Show"
INTERVIEW: Francis Boyle: Draft Impeachment Resolution

Francis Boyle: Draft Impeachment Resolution Against George W. Bush
Francis A. Boyle, Professor of Law, University of Illinois, is author of Foundations of World Order,
Duke University Press, The Criminality of Nuclear ...

Affidivit of Prof. Francis A. Boyle
I, FRANCIS A. BOYLE, depose and declare under penalty of perjury as follows:. 1. I am a Professor of
Law at the University of Illinois College of Law at ...

President Bush, addresses the nation on Iraq —Radio Your Way
"Our troops will have a well-defined mission, to help Iraqis clear and secure neighbourhoods, to help them protect
the local population, and to help ensure that the Iraqi forces left behind are capable of providing the security t
hat Baghdad needs"
President Bush


IF THE PRESIDENT GOES CRAZY....—FindLaw: U.S. Constitution:,;article=108068;title=APFN


Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982 (50 U.S.C. 421 et seq.)
(governing disclosures that could expose confidential Government agents)

Wilson sees wife's `outing' as retaliation

Click to subscribe to LEAK-GATE

White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales sent a notice Friday to all White House employees instructing them to turn in copies of numerous documents for the ongoing probe into who leaked the name of a CIA operative to a newspaper columnist.

From top advisers to junior staff, nearly 2,000 White House employees were ordered to come forward by Tuesday with any documents that might help the criminal investigation into the leak of an undercover CIA officer's identity.

U.S. V. G.W. BUSH...


Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982 (50 U.S.C. 421 et seq.)
(governing disclosures that could expose confidential Government agents)

An Interview With Joseph Wilson
On the morning of July 14, 2003, I was reading Bob Novak's column in The Washington Post. He was doing his best to defend the Bush administration from the red-hot charge that George W. Bush had misled the country during the State of the Union address when he declared that "Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." Months after the speech, this sentence triggered a near-scandal, for it turned out there had been no strong factual basis for the allegation, which was meant to suggest Hussein was close to acquiring nuclear weapons. The White House asserted it had had no reason to be wary about using this piece of information. Then, on July 6, 2003, former ambassador Joseph Wilson wrote a piece in The New York Times and publicly revealed that in February 2002 he had been sent to Niger by the CIA to examine the allegation and had reported back there was no evidence to support this claim. Prior to his Times article, Wilson, the last acting U.S. ambassador in Iraq, had been one of the more prominent opponents of the Iraq war. Yet he had not used the information he possessed about Bush's misuse of the Niger allegation to score points while debating the war. His much-noticed Times op-ed was a blow for the White House, and Republicans and conservatives struck back. One front in that counterattack was the Novak column.

"His wife, Valerie Plame," Novak wrote, "is an Agency operative on weapons of mass destruction. Two senior administration officials told me Wilson's wife suggested sending him to Niger to investigate" the Niger charge. With this passage, Novak blew the cover of Wilson's wife, who had worked clandestinely for the CIA for years. I immediately called Wilson, whom I had gotten to know over the past months and whom I had recruited to write for The Nation. Somewhat jokingly, I said, "You never told me Valerie was CIA." He responded, "I still can't." As we discussed the Novak column, it became clear to me that this leak--apparently part of an effort to discredit and/or punish Wilson for opposing the White House--had ruined his wife's career as a clandestine officer, undermined her work in the important field of counterproliferation, and perhaps even endangered her and her contacts. And it might have been against the law. I told Wilson about the 1982 Intelligence Identities Protection Act, which made it a serious federal crime for a government official to reveal the identity of a covert officer. He and his wife were unaware of the law. The following day, I checked further and concluded that it was possible that White House officials--or "administration sources," as Novak put it--had indeed broken the law.

On July 16, 2003, I wrote a piece that appeared in this space noting that the Wilsons had been slimed by the Bush administration and that this leak might have harmed national security and violated the 1982 law. It was the first article to report that the leak was a possible White House crime. Few reporters in Washington paid attention to the story, but the posted piece received a tremendous flood of traffic. Not until two months later, when the news broke that the CIA had asked the Justice Department to conduct an investigation, did the Wilson leak story go big-time.

Since then, Attorney General John Ashcroft has recused himself from the matter, and Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. attorney in Chicago, has been investigating. Reporters and observers have spent months guessing and theorizing about the identities of the leakers and wondering whether the leak investigation is progressing. In his new book, The Politics of Truth: Inside the Lies that Led to War and Betrayed My Wife's CIA Identity, Wilson writes that he was told by a source that in March 2002 (months before he went public on his Niger trip but while he was a vocal critic of the march to war) the Office of the Vice President held a meeting in which a decision was made to do a "workup" on Wilson--that is, to dig up dirt on him. As for the leakers, Wilson writes that after talking to reporters and others he believes it was "quite possibly" Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Dick Cheney's chief of staff, who exposed his wife's identity. He also writes, "The other name that has most often been repeated to me in connection with the inquiry and disclosure into my background and Valerie's is that of Elliott Abrams, [a National Security Council aide] who gained infamy in the Iran-Contra scandal during the first Bush administration." Moreover, Wilson maintains that Bush strategist Karl Rove was instrumental in disseminating information about him and his wife.

Wilson doesn't have proof. He is essentially sharing hunches and leads. (An April 30, 2004, New York Daily News story, citing an "inside source," reports that Fitzgerald's probe has been focused on Libby and Rove.) But Wilson's book is far more than an account of the leak affair and Nigergate. He writes breezily about his years as a smooth and assertive foreign service officer (including his rather dramatic face-off against Saddam Hussein in 1990, when Wilson was the last acting ambassador in Iraq before the first Gulf War), and he passionately chronicles his role in the public debate that preceded Bush's invasion of Iraq. (Disclosure: he has several kind references to me in the book.) The night before his book was to be released, he talked with me about the leak, his wife, the war, and what lies ahead in Iraq.

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