9/11: How Bush Has Betrayed Us
Submitted by Rick Perlstein on September 10, 2007 - 7:04pm.
Like everyone else, I'll never forget Tuesday, September 11, 2001. I was
living in Brooklyn then, and breathed air polluted by the ash from
incinerated flesh. But I'll also never forget Friday, September 14. That was
the day my Brooklyn neighborhood held its candlelight vigil. Our bodies
spanned Seventh Avenue from sidewalk to sidewalk, for over a dozen blocks.
I'll never forget the next morning either, because that's what really made
me cry. I nearly broke my neck, you see, from all the leftover candle wax
coating the sidewalk. So many people feeling the same thing together:
remember the solidarity?
Solidarity. That was America's, and the world's, immediate response to
September 11. Christopher Hayes wrote a classic essay on this forgotten word
last year. He quoted the dictionary definition: "The fact or quality, on the
part of communities...of being perfectly united or at lone in some respects,
.esp. in the interests, sympathies, or aspirations."
The concept, wrote Hayes, "embodies a powerful moral aspiration to realize
the fundamental fellowship of humankind." He quoted Rebecca Solnit on the
"Uses of Disaster": "Again and again, we see a latent civil society—a
community—arising from the ruins of some disaster and becoming the grounds
for connection and joy."
Isn't that exactly what it was?
"We Are All Americans Now," a French newspaper proclaimed. And we Americans
were all New Yorkers: "Gentiles in Georgia weeping for dead Jews in
Brooklyn," is how Chris Hayes put it. And to the victims' families, we New
Yorkers all shouted, We are all your brothers and sisters.
Every day, we scanned the thousands of posters taped to every lamppost and
fence, the faces of the missing. And for months, we scanned the faces of our
neighbors: Who did you know? How can we help? And by the way, did I tell you
today how glad I am to have you around? We immediately ached to serve: the
lines at our hospitals to give blood snaked around the block, until they
told us there were not enough survivors to need much blood, and told us to
go home.
And here was another rather neat expression of solidarity: Liberals like me
rallied around a conservative president. Remember the 90 percent approval
rating? A lot of leftists in that 90 percent. We rallied, too, around his
chosen response: a military strike against the terrorists' havens in
Afghanistan. I wrote about that left near-consensus at the time, in the New
York Observer. The late Ellen Wills (I tried to convey how left she was by
noting that she "still espouses the old Marxist-Freudian doctrine of the
revolutionary potential of free love") said, "To do nothing is
unacceptable." A Queens Green Party official told me, "If this was a short
period and they got the terrorist network, I would be able to forgive them."
Yes, the left chose solidarity with the right, the lambs lying down with the
lions. Because these conservatives promised mercy would accompany the
required rough justice. President Bush promised of the Afghanistan campaign:
"We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to
live by them." Rep. Dana Rohrbacher, the preeminent fire-breathing Orange
County conservative, promised, "The new moral standard has got to be that
noncombatants will not be attacked. We will not kill unarmed innocent people
in order to achieve a political objective."
The President asked for the power he said he needed to fight the terrorists.
And in solidarity, Democrats in Congress chose trust. A September 13 bill
reforming FISA, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, extending new
wiretapping and electronic surveillance capabilities the President specified
he would need, passed by voice vote, without debate. The authorization of
force passed the Senate unanimously. The standing ovation at his joint
session of Congress was unanimous. Al Gore, who'd had his presidency stolen
by Bush, stood up at an Iowa Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner and said:
"Regardless of party, regardless of ideology, regardless of religion or race
or ethnicity, there are no divisions in this country where our response to
the war on terrorism is concerned. We are united... George W. Bush is my
commander in chief."
The PATRIOT Act passed 98 to 1 and 357 to 66. Even Bush got into the
reconciliation act, after an early stumble in which he called the War on
Terrorism a "crusade." Remember "Islam means peace"?
And guess what? Some on the right hated it—hated the solidarity. They wanted
Bush to be a divider. Here was Jonah Goldberg:
Much of the country has grown to love President Bush since Sept. 11, giving
him the highest and most sustained approval ratings of any president since
polling began. Good for him. Me, I liked the pre-9/11 Bush better....
Prior to Sept. 11, the dominant lesson Bush and his adviser Karl Rove
learned from Poppa Bush's experience was to keep the base happy. This didn't
require doing everything the conservative rank-and-file wanted; governing,
after all, always requires making compromises with political realities. But
it did require caring about what they thought.
Unfortunately, since Sept. 11, the Bushies have taken down the proverbial
"it's the base, stupid" sign from the office bulletin board and replaced it
with "it's the lead, stupid."
In the aftermath of Sept. 11, the reigning rule has switched from defend
your base to don't blow your approval ratings. The rationale seems to be
that the conservative base is safe because Bush is doing a good job on the
war on terror and this in turn gives him room to run to the middle on a host
of issues.
That was May of 2002. Of course Goldberg's lament was premature. It wouldn't
be four months before he started selling his radical monstrosity in Iraq.
They simultaneously made the Democrats' routine request to make the new
Department of Homeland Security a place where solidarity was not
banned—simply trying to extend ordinary civil service labor protections to
workers newly under its umbrella—just the campaign issue they needed to drum
up hatred of Democrats for the 2002 off-year elections: “union bosses strive
to use the war on terror as a cover for a new drive for power," is how they
responded. Even though the Department of Homeland Security was the
Democrats' idea, an idea the Republicans originally fought. That, recall,
was how legless Vietnam veteran Max Cleland, among others, was defeated.
With TV ad picturing Cleland with Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden. For
saying unions had a place in the federal government. Solidarity forever.
Goldberg needn't have feared Bush would dare govern in the interests of
national unity. Indeed, Goldberg wasn't even correct when he wrote that.
Bush was already defecating upon the unity that tragedy had accidentally
bestowed upon him by violating the very eavesdropping law shouted through
Congress in a full-throated cry of unity, as America happend to learn over
three years later, seretly authorizing the National Security Agency to
eavesdrop on Americans without a court-approved warrant.
Of course Bush never meant it. He never meant to embrace solidarity at all.
September 11, 2001? It's just a sickening political prop.]
http://commonsense.ourfuture.org/9_11_how_bush_has_betrayed_us?tx=3
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