Document   of   38........."FOLLOW THE MONEY!"
 Ruling the World of Money   By Edward Jay Epstein, Harper's Magazine.
 Ten times a year -- once a month except in August and October -- a small
group of well dressed men arrives in Basel, Switzerland. Carrying overnight
bags and attache cases, they discreetly check into the Euler Hotel, across
from the railroad station. They have come to this sleepy city from places as
disparate as Tokyo, London, and Washington,
D.C., for the regular meeting of the most exclusive, secretive, and powerful
supranational club in the world.
 Each of the dozen or so visiting members has his own office at the club,
with secure telephone lines to his home country. The members are fully
serviced by a permanent staff of about 300, including chauffeurs, chefs,
guards, messengers, translators, stenographers, secretaries, and
researchers. Also at their disposal are a brilliant research unit and an
ultramodern computer, as well as a secluded country club with tennis courts
and a swimming pool, a few kilometres outside of Basel.
 The membership of this club is restricted to a handful of powerful men who
determine daily the interest rate, the availability of credit, and the money
supply of the banks in their own countries. They include the governors of
the U.S. Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, the Bank of Japan, the Swiss
National Bank, and the German Bundesbank.
The club controls a bank with a
$40 billion kitty in cash, government securities, and gold that constitutes
about one tenth of the world's available foreign exchange. The profits
earned just from renting out its hoard of gold are more than sufficient to
pay for the expenses of the entire organization. And the unabashed purpose
of its elite monthly meetings is to coordinate and, if possible, to control
all monetary activities in the industrialized world. The place where this
club meets in Basel is a unique financial institution called the Bank for
International Settlements--or more simply, and appropriately, the BIS
(pronounced "biz" in German).

 The BIS was originally established in May 1930 by bankers and diplomats of
Europe and the United States to collect and disburse Germany's World War I
reparation payments (hence its name). It was truly an extraordinary
arrangement. Although the BIS was organized as a commercial bank with
publicly held shares, its immunity from
government interference - and taxes in both peace and war was guaranteed by
an international treaty signed in The Hague in 1930. Although all its
depositors are central banks, the BIS has made a profit on every
transaction. And because it has been highly profitable, it has required no
subsidy or aid from any government.
 Since it also provided, in Basel, a safe and convenient repository for the
gold holdings of the European central banks, it quickly evolved into the
bank for central banks. As the world depression deepened in the Thirties and
financial panics flared up in Austria, Hungary, Yugoslavia, and Germany, the
governors in charge of the key central banks feared that the entire global
financial system would collapse unless they could closely coordinate their
rescue efforts. The obvious meeting spot for this desperately needed
coordination was the BIS, where they regularly went anyway to arrange gold
swaps and war-damage settlements.
 Even though an isolationist Congress officially refused to allow the U.S.
Federal Reserve to participate in the BIS, or to accept shares in it (which
were instead held in trust by the First National City Bank), the chairman of
the Fed quietly slipped over to Basel for important meetings. World monetary
policy was evidently too important to leave to national politicians. During
World War II, when the nations, if not their central banks, were
belligerents, the BIS
continued operating in Basel, though the monthly meetings were temporarily
 In 1944, following Czech accusations that the BIS was laundering gold that
the Nazis had stolen from occupied Europe, the American government backed a
resolution at the Bretton Woods Conference calling for the liquidation of
the BIS.
 The naive idea was that the settlement and monetary-clearing functions it
provided could be taken over by the new International Monetary Fund. What
could not be replaced, however, was what existed behind the mask of an
international clearing house: a supranational organization for setting and
implementing global monetary strategy, which
could not be accomplished by a democratic, United Nations-like international
agency. The central bankers, not about to let their club be taken from them,
quietly snuffed out the American resolution.
 After World War II, the BIS re-emerged as the main clearing house for
European currencies and, behind the scenes, the favored meeting place of
central bankers. When the dollar came under attack in the 1960s, massive
of money and gold were arranged at the BIS for the defence of the American
currency. It was undeniably ironic that, as the president of the BIS
observed, "the United States, which had wanted to kill the BIS, suddenly
finds it indispensable." In any case, the Fed has become a leading member of
the club, with either Chairman Paul Volcker or Governor Henry Wallich
attending every "Basel weekend."
 "It was in the wood-paneled rooms above the shop and the hotel that
decisions were reached to devalue or defend currencies, to fix the price of
gold, to regulate offshore banking, and to raise or lower short-term
interest rates."

 Originally, the central bankers sought complete anonymity for their
activities. Their headquarters were in an abandoned six-storey hotel, the
Grand et Savoy Hotel Universe, with an annex above the adjacent Frey's
Chocolate Shop. There purposely was no sign over the door identifying the
BIS so visiting central bankers and gold dealers used Frey's, which is
across the street from the railroad station, as a convenient landmark. It
was in the wood-paneled rooms
above the shop and the hotel that decisions were reached to devalue or
defend currencies, to fix the price of gold, to regulate offshore banking,
and to raise or lower short-term interest rates. And though they shaped "a
new world economic order" through these deliberations (as Guido Carli, then
the governor of the Italian central bank, put it), the public, even in
Basel, remained almost totally unaware of the club and its activities.
 In May 1977, however, the BIS gave up its anonymity, against the better
judgement of some of its members, in exchange for more efficient
headquarters. The new building, an eighteen-story-high circular skyscraper
that rises over the medieval city like some misplaced nuclear reactor,
quickly became known as the "Tower of Basel" and began
attracting attention from tourists. "That was the last thing we wanted, "
Dr. Fritz Leutwiler, current president of both the BIS and the Swiss
National Bank, explained to me while watching currency changes flash across
the Reuters screen in his office. "If it had been up to me, it never would
have been built."
 Despite its irksome visibility, the new headquarters does have the
advantages of luxurious space and Swiss efficiency. The building is
completely air-conditioned and self-contained, with its own nuclear-bomb
shelter in the sub-basement, a triply redundant fire-extinguishing system
(so outside firemen never have to be called in), a private hospital, and
some twenty miles of subterranean archives. "We try to provide a complete
clubhouse for central bankers ... a home away from home," said Gunther
Schleiminger, the super-competent general manager, as he arranged a rare
tour of the headquarters for me.
 The top floor, with a panoramic view of three countries -- Germany, France,
and Switzerland -- is a deluxe restaurant, used only to serve the members a
buffet dinner when they arrive on Sunday evenings to begin the "Basel
weekends." Aside from those ten occasions, this floor remains ghostly empty.
 On the floor below, Schleiminger and his small staff sit in spacious
offices, administering the day-to-day details of the BIS and monitoring
activities on lower floors as if they were running an out-of-season hotel.
 The next three floors down are suites of offices reserved for the central
bankers. All are decorated in three colors -- beige, brown, and tan -- and
each has a similar modernistic lithograph over the desk. Each office also
has coded speed-dial telephones that at a push of a button directly connect
the club members to their offices in their central banks back home. The
completely deserted corridors and empty offices -- with nameplates on the
doors and freshly sharpened pencils in cups and neat stacks of incoming
papers on the desks -- are again reminiscent of a ghost town. When the
members arrive for their forthcoming meeting in November, there will be a
remarkable transformation, according to Schleiminger, with multilingual
receptionists and secretaries at every desk, and constant meetings and
 On the lower floors are the BIS computer, which is directly linked to the
computers of the member central banks, and provides instantaneous access to
data about the global monetary situation, and the actual bank, where
eighteen traders, mainly from England and Switzerland, continually roll over
short-term loans on the Eurodollar markets and guard against
foreign-exchange losses (by simultaneously selling the currency in which the
loan is due).         On yet another floor, gold traders are constantly on
the telephone arranging loans of the bank's gold to
international arbitragers, thus allowing central banks to make interest on
gold deposits.
 Occasionally there is an extraordinary situation, such as the decision to
sell gold for the Soviet Union, which requires a decision from the
"governors," as the BIS staff calls the central bankers. But most of the
banking is routine, computerized, and riskless. Indeed, the BIS is
prohibited by its statutes from making anything but short-term loans -- most
are for 30 days or less--that are government-guaranteed or backed with gold
deposited at the BIS. The profits the
BIS receives for essentially turning over the billions of dollars deposited
by the central banks amounted to $162 million last year.
 As skilled as the BIS may be at all this, the central banks themselves have
highly competent staff capable of investing their deposits. The German
Bundesbank, for example, has a superb international trading department and
15,000 employees -- at least 20 times as many as the BIS staff. Why then do
the Bundesbank and the other central banks transfer some $40 billion of
deposits to the BIS and thereby permit it to make such a profit?
 One answer is, of course, secrecy. By commingling part of their reserves in
what amounts to a gigantic mutual fund of short-term investments, the
central banks create a convenient screen behind which they can hide their
own deposits and withdrawals in financial centers around the world. For
example, if the BIS places funds in Hungary, the individual central banks do
not have to answer to their governments for investing in a communist
country. And the central banks are apparently willing to pay a high fee to
use the cloak of the BIS.
 There is, however, a far more important reason why the central banks
regularly transfer deposits to the BIS: they want to provide it with a large
profit to support the other services it provides. Despite its name, the BIS
is far more than a bank. From the outside, it seems to be a small, technical
organization. Just 86 of its 298 employees are ranked as professional staff.
But the BIS is not a monolithic institution: artfully concealed within the
shell of an
international bank, like a series of Chinese boxes one inside another, are
the real groups and services the central bankers need -- and pay to support.
 The first box inside the bank is the board of directors, drawn from the
eight European central banks (England, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, France,
Belgium, Sweden, and the Netherlands), which meets on the Tuesday morning of
each "Basel weekend." The board also meets twice a year in Basel with the
central banks of Yugoslavia, Poland, Hungary, and other Eastern-bloc
nations. It provides a formal apparatus for dealing with European
governments and international bureaucracies like the IMF or the European
Economic Community (the Common Market).
 The board defines the rules and territories of the central banks with the
goal of preventing governments from meddling in their purview. For example,
a few years ago, when the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development in Paris appointed a low-level committee to study the adequacy
of bank reserves, the central bankers regarded it as poaching on their
monetary turf and turned to the BIS board for assistance. The board then
arranged for a high-level committee, under the head of Banking Supervision
at the Bank of England, to preempt the issue. The OECD got the message and
abandoned its effort.
 To deal with the world at large, there is another Chinese box called the
Group of Ten, or simply the "G-10." It actually has eleven full-time
members, representing the eight European central banks, the U.S. Fed, the
Bank of Canada, and the Bank of Japan. it also has one unofficial member:
the governor of the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority. This powerful group,
which controls most of the transferable money in the world, meets for long
sessions on the Monday afternoon of the "Basel weekend." It is here that
broader policy issues, such as interest rates, money-
supply growth, economic stimulation (or suppression) , and currency rates
are discussed -- if not always resolved.
 Directly under the G-10, and catering to all its special needs, is a small
unit called the "Monetary and Economic Development Department," which is, in
effect, its private think tank. The head of this unit, the Belgian economist
Alexandre Lamfalussy, sits in on all the G-10 meetings, then assigns the
appropriate research and analysis to the half dozen economists on his staff.
This unit also produces the occasional blue-bound "economic papers" that
provide central bankers from Singapore to Rio de Janeiro, even though they
are not BIS members, with a convenient party line.
 For example, a recent paper called "Rules versus Discretion: An Essay on
Monetary Policy in an Inflationary Environment," politely defused the Milton
Friedmanesque dogma and suggested a more pragmatic form of monetarism. And
last May, just before the Williamsburg summit conference, the unit released
a blue book on currency intervention by central banks that laid down the
boundaries and circumstances for such actions. When there are internal
disagreements, these blue books can express positions sharply contrary to
those held by some BIS members, but generally they reflect a consensus of
the G-10.
 Over a bratwurst-and-beer lunch on the top floor of the Bundesbank, which
is located in a huge concrete building (called "the bunker") outside of
Frankfurt, Karl Otto Pohl, its president and a ranking governor of the BIS,
complained to me about the repetitiousness of the meetings during the "Basel
weekend." "First there is the meeting
on the Gold Pool, then, after lunch, the same faces show up at the G-10, and
the next day there is the board [which excludes the U.S., Japan, and
Canada], and the European Community meeting [which excludes Sweden and
Switzerland from the previous group]." He concluded: "They are long and
strenuous - and they are not where the real business gets done." This
occurs, as Pohl explained over our leisurely lunch, at still another level
of the BIS: "a sort of inner club," as he put it.
 The inner club is made up of the half dozen or so powerful central bankers
who find themselves more or less in the same monetary boat: along with Pohl
are Volcker and Wallich from the Fed, Leutwiler from the Swiss
National Bank, Lamberto Dini of the Bank of Italy, Haruo Mayekawa of the
Bank of Japan, and the retired governor of the Bank of England, Lord Gordon
Richardson (who had presided over the G -10 meetings for the past ten
years).     They are all comfortable speaking English; indeed, Pohl
recounted how he has found himself using English with Leutwiler, though both
are of course native German-speakers. And they all speak the same language
when it comes to governments, having shared similar experiences.
 Pohl and Volcker were both under-secretaries of their respective
treasuries; they worked closely with each other, and with Lord Richardson,
in the futile attempts to defend the dollar and the pound in the 1960s. Dini
was at the IMF in Washington, dealing with many of the same problems. Pohl
had worked closely with Leutwiler in neighboring Switzerland for two
decades. "Some of us are very old friends," Pohl said. Far more important,
these men all share the same set of well-articulated values about money.
 The prime value, which also seems to demarcate the inner club from the rest
of the BIS members, is the firm belief that central banks should act
independently of their home governments. This is an easy position for
Leutwiler to hold, since the Swiss National Bank is privately owned (the
only central bank that is not government owned) and
completely autonomous. ("I don't think many people know the name of the
president of Switzerland - even in Switzerland," Pohl joked, "but everyone
in Europe has heard of Leutwiler.").
 Almost as independent is the Bundesbank; as its president, Pohl is not
required to consult with government officials or to answer the questions of
Parliament -- even about such critical issues as raising interest rates. He
even refuses to fly to Basel in a government plane, preferring instead to
drive in his Mercedes limousine.
 The Fed is only a shade less independent than the Bundesbank: Volcker is
expected to make periodic visits to Congress and at least to take calls from
the White House -- but he need not follow their counsel. While in theory the
Bank of Italy is under government control, in practice it is an elite
institution that acts autonomously and often resists the government. (In
1979, its then governor, Paolo Baffi, was threatened with arrest, but the
inner club, using unofficial channels, rallied to his support.)
 Although the exact relationship between the Bank of Japan and the Japanese
government purposely remains inscrutable, even to the BIS governors, its
chairman, Mayekawa, at least espouses the principle of autonomy.
  Finally, though the Bank of England is under the thumb of the British
government, Lord Richardson was accepted by the inner club because of his
personal adherence to this defining principle. But his successor, Robin
Leigh-Pemberton, lacking the years of business and personal contact,
probably won't be admitted to the inner circle.
 In any case, the line is drawn at the Bank of England. The Bank of France
is seen as a puppet of the French government; to a lesser degree, the
remaining European banks are also perceived by the inner club as extensions
their respective governments, and thus remain on the outside.
 A second and closely related belief of the inner club is that politicians
should not be trusted to decide the fate of the international monetary
system. When Leutwiler became president of the BIS in 1982, he insisted that
no government official be allowed to visit during a "Basel weekend." He
recalled that in 1968, U.S. Treasury undersecretary Fred Deming had been in
Basel and stopped in at the bank. "When word got around that an American
Treasury official was at the BIS," Leutwiler said, "bullion traders,
speculating that the U.S. was about to sell its gold, began a panic in the
market." Except for the annual meeting in June (called "the Jamboree" by the
staff), when the ground floor of the BIS headquarters is open to official
visitors, Leutwiler has tried to enforce his rule strictly. "To be
frank," he told me, "I have no use for politicians. They lack the judgement
of central bankers." This effectively sums up the common antipathy of the
inner club toward "government muddling," as Pohl puts it.
 The inner-club members also share a strong preference for pragmatism and
flexibility over any ideology, whether that of Lord Keynes or Milton
Friedman. For this reason, there was considerable apprehension last spring
that Paul Volcker would be replaced by a supply-side ideologue like Beryl
Sprinkel, and considerable relief when he was
reappointed for another term. Rather than resorting to rhetoric and invoking
principles, the inner club seeks any remedy that will relieve a crisis. For
example, earlier this year, when Brazil failed to pay back on time a BIS
loan that was guaranteed by the central banks, the inner club quietly
decided to extend the deadline instead of collecting the money from
guarantors. "We are constantly engaged in a balancing act -- without a
safety net," Leutwiler explained.
 The final and by far the most important belief of the inner club is the
conviction that when the bell tolls for any single central bank it tolls for
them all. When Mexico faced bankruptcy last year, for instance, the issue
for the inner club was not the welfare of that country but, as Dini put it,
"the stability of the entire banking system." For months Mexico had been
borrowing overnight funds from the interbank market in New York -- as every
bank recognized by the Fed is permitted to do -- to pay the interest on its
$80 billion external debt. Each night it had to borrow more money to repay
the interest on the previous nights transactions, and, according to Dini, by
August Mexico had
borrowed nearly one quarter of all the "Fed Funds," as these overnight loans
between banks are called.
 The Fed was caught in a dilemma: if it suddenly stepped in and forbade
Mexico from further using the interbank market, Mexico would be unable to
repay its enormous debt the next day, and 25 percent of the entire
banking system's ready funds might be frozen. But if the Fed permitted
Mexico to continue borrowing in New York, in a matter of months it would
suck in most of the interbank funds, forcing the Fed to expand drastically
the supply of money.
 It was clearly an emergency for the inner club. After speaking to Miguel
Mancera, director of the Banco de Mexico, Volcker immediately called
Leutwiler, who was vacationing in the Swiss mountain village of Grison.
Leutwiler realized that the entire system was confronted by a financial time
bomb: even though the IMF was prepared to extend $4.5 billion to Mexico to
relieve the pressure on its long-term debt, it would require months of
paperwork to get approval for the loan. And Mexico needed an immediate fix
of $1.85 billion to get out of the  interbank market, which Mancera had
agreed to do. But in less than 48 hours, Leutwiler had called the members of
the inner club and arranged the temporary bridging loan.
 While this $1.85 billion appeared -- at least in the financial press -- to
have come from the BIS, virtually all the funds came from the central banks
in the inner club. Half came directly from the United States -- $600 million
from the Treasury's exchange-equalization fund and $325 million from the
Fed's coffers; the remaining $925 million mainly from the deposits of the
Bundesbank, Swiss National Bank, Bank of England, Bank of Italy, and Bank of
Japan, deposits that were specifically guaranteed by these central banks,
though advanced pro forma by the BIS (with a token amount advanced by the
BIS itself against the collateral of Mexican gold).
 The BIS undertook virtually no risk in this rescue operation; it merely
provided a convenient cloak for the inner club. Otherwise, its members,
especially Volcker, would have had to take the political heat individually
for what appeared to be the rescue of an underdeveloped country. In fact,
they were -- true to their paramount values rescuing the banking system
 On August 31 of this year, Mexico repaid the BIS loan. But the bailout was
only a temporary, if not pyrrhic, victory. With the multibillion-dollar
debts of a score of other countries -- including Argentina, Chile,
Venezuela, Brazil, Zaire, the Philippines, Poland, Yugoslavia, Hungary, and
even Israel -- hanging like so many swords of  Damocles over its sacred
monetary system, the inner club has "no choice," as Leutwiler has concluded,
but to remain a crisis manager.
 This new role has created considerable concern among the outer circle, and
even in the Bank of England, since the members who don't entirely share the
mentality of the inner club want the BIS to remain primarily a European
 "Let the Fed worry about Brazil and the rest of Latin America -- that is
not the job of the BIS," a blunt representative of the Bank of England,
definitely not part of the inner club, told me. Others at the BIS have
that it does not have the experience or facilities to become "a mini-IMF --
putting out fires around the world," as one staffer described it.
 To mollify such dissent on the periphery, inner-club members publicly pay
lip service to the ideal of preserving the character of the BIS and not
turning it into a lender of last resort for the world at large.
 Privately, however, they will undoubtedly continue their maneuvers to
protect the banking system at whatever point in the world it seems most
vulnerable. After all, it is ultimately the central banks' money at risk,
not the BIS's.    And the inner club will also keep using the BIS as its
public mask -- and pay the requisite price for the disguise.
 The next meeting of the inner club is Monday, November 7.
Edward Jay Epstein is the author of "The Rise and Fall of Diamonds,"
"Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald," and "News From Nowhere." He
also has written a book on international deception.
- - - -END- - - -
FORWARD FROM: Phil at      pstottmfc@yahoo.ca
A project of The Conservative Caucus 450 Maple Avenue East, Vienna, Va.
22180  --  703-938-9626
Updated May 29, 2002

`In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act.'
Find elected officials, including the president, members of Congress,
governors, state legislators, local officials, and more.

 We have a Constitution and our Bill of Rights (the first 10 amendments)
that makes us free.  Right?  Then visit:
 http://www.trimonline.org  http://www.getusout.org
http://www.thenewamerican.com   http://www.givemeliberty.org
     http://www.jbs.org      Http://www.getawarrant.com
Then take a look at these sites:       http://www.dixierising.com
http://www.dixienet.org  http://www.palmetto.org
http://www.southerncaucus.org   http://www.spofga.org
http://www.southern-style.com  http://www.nca.mybravenet.com
  {    Only Notes 1 & 2 are duplicates of previous messages text.  All text
preceding these notes is new.    }
 NOTE # 1: This is the ELEVENTH doc in a string of about 38 regarding the
Income Tax, How it was illegally forced upon us, the collusion of various
nation banks, including The Bank of England, the Banks of Europe, the Banks
of the USA that make up the Non-Government organization known as the Fed and
the bankers themselves dedicated to making this a Socialist Nation. As David
Rockefeller reportedly said in 1973 when he and others formed the Trilateral
Commission, "We will have this a Socialist Nation by the end of the year
2000."  Well, with the help of our past Communist President, he damned well
nearly did it.  If Comrade Gore had been elected, it would be now! The last
doc in this series is a plan that was presented to President Bush when he
visited Florida recently.  It was put directly into his hands.  He has not
acted upon it. We The People must initiate a campaign of letters, faxes,
e-mails, and phone calls to him and others in our otherwise corrupt
government letting them know of our displeasure.  For God and Country, Chet.
 NOTE # 2:  [  Should you wish to be removed from my mailing list, please
send a message with the word remove in the subject line.  If you got this
from a mail list, such as xxxxxx@xxxxxgroups.com  or something like that,
then it is up to the moderator or owner of the list to remove my access
based upon complaints of my material, abuse, or removal of your access if
you request it. ]         Should you wish a copy of a numbered message
(this is the 11th one)   that you may have missed, please e-mail me off net
for a copy of it and I will be very happy to provide it. Chet.

You may forward this to every member of Congress by using a Mail Blaster
application available on the Internet as follows:
Step 1.  Access your web browser.   Step 2.  Type in the search block:
Step 3.  Click on   Send Batch E-Mail which is on the left end of the
Step 4.  Type in your E-mail Address.   Step 5.  Click on Subject: Type in
the subject of your document.
Step 6.  Click on Message: Now here you can type in your message or you can
paste a previously copied file here.  You can also edit your message after
you finish with the message and before sending it.
Step 7.  Then click on   select a file.  Here you may click on:
 demhouse.txt (Socialist Democrat House Members) or,
 democsen.txt (Socialist Democrats Senate Members) or,
 newsorg.txt (Many of the "anchor" news folks have their email address here
for you to use) or,
 rephouse.txt (Republican House of Representatives Members) or,
 repubsen.txt (Republican Senate Members) or,
 senators.txt (All Senators).
Step 8.  After selecting the group to receive your message then click on
send batch. It will go to everyone listed in the batch.
Remember: Nothing beats a letter AND a phone call.
Forwarded by: Chester L McWhorter Sr, c/o 504 N. Brighton Rd, Lecanto,
Occupied Florida. 34461. Ph: 352-344-9073. Fax: Same. E-mail:
 11 of 38.........   End.

Quote:  We are on the verge of a global transformation.  All we [ the CFR ]
need is the right major crisis and the nation[s] will accept the New World
Order.  End Quote.  David Rockefeller: Founder and Honorary Chairman,
Council of the Americas; Chairman, Americas Society; Founder, Forum of the
Americas; Chairman, Emeritus, Council on Foreign Relations [CFR]; Founder
and Honorary Chairman, Trilateral Commission [TC]; Chairman, The
Bilderbergs.  [ How does the 11 Sept 2001 attack upon our country figure
into this?  CLMsr ]


Part 12

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